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BLOOD and IRON 

Origin of German Empire 
As Revealed by Character 
of Its Founder, Bismarck 



BY 

JOHN HUBERT GREUSEL 



THE SHAKESPEARE PRESS 

114-116 E. 28th St. 

New York 

1915 







\fc 



Copyright. 1915. John Huhert Greusel 



SEP 28 1915 
©CI.A411727 



Dedicated to 

Stella 

My Wife 



CONTENTS 

BOOK THE FIRST: BISMARCK'S HUMAN ESSENCE 

Chapter I— The Man Himself 

1. The Giant's Ponderous Hammer 

2. Grossly Human Is Our Bismarck 

3. Despite Political Bogs 

4. Genius Combined with Foibles 

Chapter II— Blood Will Tell 

5. Iron-headed Ancestry 

6. Animal Basis of Rise to Power 

7. "The Wooden Donkey Dies To-day!" 

Chapter III— The Gothic Cradle 

8. The Child of Destiny 

9. Soft Carl, Spartan Louise 

Chapter IV — Sunshine and Shadow 

10. Amazing Powers of Hereditary Traits 

11. The Wolf's Breed 

12. Twenty-eight Duels! 

13. Fizzle of First Official Service 

BOOK THE SECOND: THE GERMAN NATIONAL PROB- 
LEM 

Chapter V — The Great Sorrow 

14. The German Crazy Quilt 

15. The Diamond Necklace 

Chapter VI — Prussia's De Profundis 

16. The Lash and the Kiss 

17. The Prussian Downfall 

18. Prussia Becomes Germany 

19. Kingcraft Comes Upon Evil Days 

20. The Star of Hope 

21. The King Keeps Reading His Bible 

22. The Deluge 

BOOK THE THIRD: BISMARCK SUPPORTS HIS KING 

Chapter VII — Fighting Fire with Fire 

23. Voice in the Wilderness 

24. The Young Giant 

25. Speechless for One Whole Month 

26. Bellowing His Defiance 

(5) 



Chapter VIII — Bismarck Suffers a Great Shock 

27. Bismarck Scorns French Political Millennium 

28. Militarism as National Salvation 

29. King Marches with Mob ! 

Chapter IX— So Much the Worse for Zeitgeist 

30. Not Politics — Human Nature 

31. Setting Back the Century Clock 

32. The Master at Work 

33. Bismarck Nudges His King 

34. Mystical High-flown Speeches 

BOOK THE FOURTH: BLOOD IS THICKER THAN 

WATER 

Chapter X — Socrates in Politics 

35. The Frankfort School of Intrigue 

36. Preparing for German Unity 

37. Tyrants Are Necessary 

38. Bismarck, in Naked Realism 

Chapter XI— The Mailed Fist 

39. Democracy Stems from Aristocracy 

40. Parallel Elements of Power 

Chapter XII — By Blood and Iron! 

41. The Man of the Hour 

42. Rough and Tumble 

43. On Comes the Storm 

44. Bismarck Decides to Rule Alone 

Chapter XIII — The Dream of Empire 

45. Bismarck Tricks Them All 

46. Prussian Domination Essential 

47. By Faith Ye Shall Conquer 

48. Was Bismarck a Beast? 

BOOK THE FIFTH: THE GERMAN PEOPLE ARE ONE 

AND UNITED 

Chapter XIV — Windrows of Corpses 

49. Devil or Saint, Which ? 

50. Sleeping Beside the Dead 

51. The Rejected Stone 

52. His Ikon? 

53. "The Dying Warrior" 

54. Sadowa Summed Up 

55. Manure 



(6) 



Chapter XV— The Great Year, 1870 

56. "These Poor Times" 

57. The Bugle Blast 

58. Bismarck's Ironical Eevenge 

59. The Weaver's Hut 

60. Zenith! 

Chapter XVI — The Versailles Masterpiece 

61. The Kaiser's jCr own 

62. Divine-right, a Politico-Military Fact 

BOOK THE SIXTH: ONCE A MAN AND TWICE A CHILD 

Chapter XVII— The Downfall 

63. Bismarck's Secret Discontent 

64. "Who Made United Germany?" 

65. The Irony of Fate 

66. Last Illusion Dispelled 

67. Binding Up the Old Man's Wounds 

68. Awaiting the Call 

69. Eefuses to Pass Under the Yoke 

70. Glory Turns to Ashes 

Chapter XVIII— Hail and Farewell 

71. His Final and Most Glorious Decoration 

72. "As One Asleep" 



(7) 



BOOK THE FIRST 
Bismarck's Human Essence 

CHAPTER I 

®lp> Mm % \xxm\i 
1 

Hark, Hark! The giant's ponderous hammer rings 
on the anvil of destiny. Enter, thou massive figure, 
Bismarck, and in deadly earnest take thy place 
before Time's forge. 
Hit is, it must be, a large story — big with destiny! The de- 
tails often bore with their monotony; they do not at all times 
march on; they drag, but they do indeed never halt perman- 
ently; ahead always is the great German glory, 
fi Forward march, under Prince Bismarck. He is our grim 
blacksmith, looming through the encircling dark, massive 
figure before Time's forge. 

The sparks fly, the air rings with the rain of blows: he is in 
deadly earnest, this half -naked, brawny Prussian giant; mag- 
nificent in his Olympian mien; his bellows cracking, his shop 
aglow with cheery-colored sparks as the heavy hammer falls 
on the unshapen ores on the big black anvil. 
IT Thus, toiling hour after hour in the heat and sweat, our 
Pomeranian smith with ponderous hammer beats and batters 
the stubborn German iron into a noble plan— for a great 
Nation! 

M M M 
ff From a human point, we do not always see the ultimate 
glory. 

For that is obscured by dark clouds of party strife, extend- 
ing over years, the caprices of men and the interplay of am- 
bitions both within and without the distracted German lands. 
Russia, Austria, Italy, Great Britain, France, Spain, have 
their spies engaged in all the under-play of political intrigue; 

(9) 



io Blood and Iron 

there are a thousand enemies at home and abroad, in camp, 
court and peasant's cottage. 

IT And at times, weary of it all, we throw down the book con- 
vinced that, in a welter of sordid ends, the cause is lost in 
shame. 

But, somehow, some way, Germany does in truth ultimately 
emerge triumphant, in spite of her amazing errors and the 
endless plots of enemies. 

She does indeed justify her manhood — and thus the Bismarck 
story is of imperishable glory. 

m n h 

]\ We say that Bismarck had to re-inspire the Germans to be 
a fighting nation. 

What we mean is that the spirit of the ancient Teutons had 
to be aroused; for though it slumbered for centuries, it never 
died. 

Eome found that out when she was still in her infancy; the 
Germans burnt the town by the Tiber; and the fearsome 
struggle between the Romans and the Germanic tribesmen 
lasted almost unbroken for nearly five centuries. 
1} The Romans regarded the Germans as the bravest people 
in the world. 

The migrations of the Cimbri and Teutones, and the fright- 
ful struggles in which after superhuman endeavors the 
Roman Marius destroyed his German enemies is one of the 
heroic pages of all history. It was a hand-to-hand contest, 
and torrents of human blood ran that day. Menzel tells us, 
(Germany, p. 85), that the place of battle enriched by a 
deluge of blood and ultimately fertilized by heaps of the 
slain, became in after years the site of vineyards whose 
wines were eagerly sought by connoisseurs. 
H The Cimbri were drawn up in a solid square, each side of 
which measured 7,000 paces. The foremost ranks were fas- 
tened together with chains, that the enemy might not readily 
break through. Even the German dogs that guarded the 
baggage train fought with animal ferocity. The battle went 
against the Germans and the slaughter was frightful. When 
all was lost, the Germans killed their women and children, 
rather than see them fall into the hands of the Romans. 



Bismarck's Human Essence u 

German courage inspired terror and created foreboding 
throughout the Eoman world. It is a heroic story and sus- 
tains the German tradition that Germans born free under 
their ancient oaks never will be slaves, though the whole 
world is against them. 

The success varied, but the Germans conquered, even in 
death, becoming lineal descendants of the Empire. And on 
the ruins were builded the German nation, as the successor 
of the old Holy Roman Empire. 

HUH 
fl We picture to you these shadowy glimpses of remote 
battle-scenes to show you that Germans were ever fighting 
men, who preferred death to loss of liberty. 
On the ruins of Eoman imperial glory, Teutonic conquerors 
founded an Empire that defied time and chance for upwards 
of 1,000 years; then there crept in a peculiar dry rot. The 
ancient German oak died at the top. Along came Napoleon, 
hacking away the limbs and scarring the gnarled trunk with 
fire and sword. The ruin seemed complete. Dead at the 
top, dead at the root, men said. And what men say is true. 
There is no longer a Germany, except as a mere geographical 
designation; when you speak of the German Empire you 
recall merely the echo of a once mighty name. 
It now becomes Bismarck's solemn duty, fortified by a noble 
appreciation of the ancient legend, to make the German oak 
green again in its immortal youth. And he watered the 
roots with blood. 

ff We cannot tell you the great story in a few baby-sentences; 
you must read and grasp the broad spirit as it gradually 
unfolds. Bismarck in the crudity of his early inspiration 
scarcely finds himself for years. But all the while he is hold- 
ing fast to the idea that the Fatherland should under God 
be free and united, sustained by the ancient Teutonic brother- 
hood in arms. 

We present him in part as a tyrant, a wild, intolerant spirit, 
working his own plans to be sure, but those plans in the 
end are to redound to the good of the nation he long and un- 
selfishly serves. 




12 Blood and Iron 

We ask you to see him in his weakness and we hope with 
some of his strength, always with his high purpose. 
We ask you to behold him as a man with all a strong man's 
frailties and faults. We do not spare him. We paint him 
black, now and then, deliberately, that you may know how 
very small ofttimes are the very great; also to realize that 
if we are to wait for perfect human beings to front our re- 
forms then those reforms will never be made. 
Bismarck is too great a man to be belittled by the glamour 
of spurious praise for spurious virtues. 

It was not necessary for him to cease to be a human being 
in order to carry out his work. He remained, to the end, 
grossly human; for which the gods be praised. 

1-1 B 

2 
Grossly human is our Bismarck, whose lust for con- 
trol is idiomatic; let us get this clearly, first of all. 

\\ Did you ever see a bulldog battle with one of his kind ? 
The startling fact is this: The dog suddenly develops mag- 
nificent reserve force, making his battling blood leap; is 
transformed into a catapult, bearing down his adversary or 
by him borne down — it matters not which! — for the joy of 
battle. To fight is the realization of his utmost being, 
fl A peculiar fact known to all admirers of a fighting bull- 
dog is this: The dog during the fight, looks now and then at 
his master nearby, as much as to say, "See how well I fight!" 
Tf Thus Bismarck looked at his King. 

Ill 
H The nature of the pit bulldog is seen in Bismarck's head. 
His surly face inspires a sense of dread. There is that in 
his physiognomy that shows his ugly disposition, when 
aroused. If you saw that moody face in the crowd, one 
glance would be sufficient to make you feel how vituperative, 
short, sharp, murderous the unknown man could be, on 
occasion. 

If Yet the fear stirred by the sight of a pit bulldog is oft- 
times largely illusionary. The dog at heart is genial in a 



Bismarck's Human Essence 13 

brute way, and never a more loyal servant than the bulldog 
to his friends — devoted even to death, to his master, 
fi It is the sense of dread in the bulldog's head that strikes 
home! So with Bismarck's physiognomy. The Iron Chancel- 
lor had but to come into the room to make his onlookers ex- 
perience uneasiness. There was an ever-present suggestion 
of pent-up power, that could in an instant be turned upon 
men's lives, to their destruction! 

Tf It is true that Bismarck had his genial side, but it cannot 
be said that he drew and held men to him. He had thousands 
of admirers to one friend. During the greater part of his 
life he was either hated or feared — at best, misunderstood. 
Like the pit bulldog, Bismarck was born to rule other lives 
— and he fulfilled his mission. 

II The element of absolutism in the man, his uncompromising 
severity, his command of the situation regardless of cost, 
sorrow or suffering to other men, is seen in his realistic 
physiognomy. We study these facts more and more, as we 
go along. 

Ill 
U There was always something imperious about this great 
man. He brooked no interference. His excessive dignity 
compelled respect. He never allowed familiarities; you could 
not safely presume on his good nature. He never permitted 
you to get too near. This abnormal self-confidence conveyed 
the idea that this giant in physique and in intellectual power 
was truly cut out for greatness. 

One of his favorite pranks, as a boy, was to amuse himself 
making faces at his sister; he could frighten her by his 
queer grimaces. 

From early youth, he was accustomed to take himself very 
seriously, and by his offensive manners conveyed an immedi- 
ate impression of the ironical indifference in which he held 
humanity, in the mass. 

If He was a born aristocrat, in a sense of high, offensive par- 
tisanship. 

IT Men shrank from him, cursed him, reviled his name; but 
they respected his intellect, even in the early days when he 



14 Blood and Iron 

used his power in an undisciplined way; yes, was painfully 
learning the business of mastering human lives. 
U The brute in the man loomed large ; the unreasoning but 
magnificent audacity of the bulldog expressed itself in scars, 
wounds, deep-drinking bouts, fisticuffs, and in twenty-eight 
duels. 

U But he had another kind of courage, greater in import than 
that expressed by physical combat. 

Ill 
ft When we say Bismarck's work is a revelation of his will 
to power, we emphasize again how unnecessary it is to make 
him either less or more than a human being. There is a 
school of writers that never mentions his name except with 
upturned eyes, as though he were a demigod. The tendency 
of human nature is to idealize such as Bismarck out of all 
semblance to the original, creating wax figures where once 
were men of flesh and blood. 

fl Men rise to power largely in uniform ways; that psychic 
foundation on which they draw is always grossly human, 
rather dull when you understand it, always conventional; — 
and the great Bismarck himself is no exception, 
fi In doing his work, Bismarck is following the psychic neces- 
sities of his character; is acting in a very personal way, up- 
held always by the soldier's virtue, ambition. There is also 
a large element of self-love. His idiomatic lust for control 
is to be accepted as a root-fact of his peculiar type of being. 
And while on the whole his ambition is exercised for the 
good of his country, herein he is acting, in addition, under 
the ardent appetite, in his case a passion, to dominate mil- 
lions of lives; urged not perhaps so much from a precon- 
ceived desire to dominate as from an inherent call to exer- 
cise his innate capacity for leadership. 

If Making allowance for the idea that Bismarck is a devoted 
servant of the King of Prussia, it is not necessary to believe 
that Bismarck poses as the Savior of his country. In fact, he 
distinctly disavows this sacrifice, has too much sense to re- 
gard himself from this absurd point of view. 
H The words carved on Bismarck's tomb at his own request, 



Bismarck's Human Essence 15 

"A Faithful German Servant of Emperor William I," show 
that however much other men were unable to comprehend the 
baffling Bismarckian character, the Iron Chancellor himself 
had no vain illusions. 

If When he was 83 and about to die, the old man taking a 
final sweep of his long and turbulent life, asked himself sol- 
emnly: "How will I be known in time to come?" 
If Fame replied: "You have been a great Prince; an invinc- 
ible maker of Empire, you have held in your hand the globe 
of this earth; call yourself what you will, and I will write a 
sermon in brass on your tomb." 

tl But the Iron Chancellor, after mature reflection, decided 
that his entire career, with all its high lights and its deep 
shadows, could be expressed in four simple words, "A Faith- 
ful German Servant." He knew exactly what he was, and 
how he would ultimately be represented in history. 
IF Think what this means. On those supreme questions of 
Life and Time involving the interpretation of Destiny — a 
problem hopelessly obscure to the average man — Bismarck 
brought a massive mind charged with a peculiar clairvoy- 
ance; often, his fore-knowledge seemed well-nigh uncanny in 
its exact realism; and if you doubt this assertion, all we ask 
is that you withhold your verdict till you have read Bis- 
marck's story, herein set forth in intimate detail, 
fi How clear the old man's vision to discern behind all his 
Bismarckian pomp and majesty, in camp, court and combat, 
only the role of faithful servant. 

fiThe phrase on his tomb proclaims the man's great mind. 
His overbrooding silence, as it were, is more eloquent than 
sermons in brass. 

SHU 
ft In studying Bismarck, the man, we merge his identity in 
the events of his time; but we must sharply differentiate be- 
tween the events and the man. We incline to the belief that 
hereditary tendencies explain him more than does environ- 
ment. It is Bismarck as a human being, and not the tre- 
mendous panorama of incidents leading to German sover- 
eignty that always holds our interest. Life is life, and is 
intensely interesting, for its own sake. 



1 6 Blood and Iron 

Thus, we are at once freed from a common fallacy of bio- 
graphical writing — that vicious mental attitude, as vain as it 
is egotistical on part of the over-partial historian, who would 
warp some manifest destiny on human life. 
ff Bismarck needs no historical explanation, no reference to 
hackneyed categories in the card-index of Time. Whether 
his plan was dedicated to this world or to the glory of some 
invisible God, you may debate as you will, but Bismarck will 
be neither greater nor less because of flights of your 
imagination. 

U He is a great man in the sense that he did large things, 
but this does not make him other than he is, nor does his 
story lose because we know him to be grossly human in his 
aims. His life does not borrow anything because a certain 
type of mind professes to see behind Bismarck's history, as 
indeed behind the careers of all great men, some mysterious 
purpose apart and beyond human nature's daily needs. It 
was not necessary for Bismarck to cease to be a human 
being, to accomplish what he accomplished. 

Ill 
H Also, for the reason that Bismarck was a genius, he is an 
exception to conventional rules covering the limitations of 
little men. 

ft Bismarck was a born revolutionist. Look at his terrible 
jaw, which, like the jaws of the bulldog, when once shut down 
never lets go till that object is in shreds. 
H He was a true bulldog in this that, like the thoroughbred 
bulldog, Bismarck favored one feed a day. He took a light 
breakfast, no second breakfast, but at night would eat one 
enormous meal. 

The bulldog follows a similar practice, when eating never 
looks from the plate, and the water fairly runs from his eyes, 
with animal satisfaction. 

ft Bismarck compelled men to do his bidding — as the wind 
drives the clouds and asks not when or why. It is enough 
to know that that is the wind's way! 

He knew the coward, the thief, the soldier, the priest, the 
citizen, the king, and the peasant. 



Bismarck's Human Essence iy 

He knew how to betray an enemy with a Judas kiss; how to 
smite him when he was down; how to dig pitfalls for his 
feet; how to ply him with champagne and learn his secrets; 
how to permit him to win money at cards, and then get him 
to sign papers; how to remember old obligations or to forget 
new favors; how to read a document in more than one way; 
how to turn historical parallels upside down; how to urge 
today what he refused to entertain a year ago; how to put 
the best face on a losing situation; and how to shuffle, cut and 
stack the cards, or at times how to play in the open. 
^He was not a humanitarian with conceptions of world 
peace or world benevolences. He was for himself and his 
own ends, which were tied to his political conception of a new 
Germany. 

fiAnd all the time he was helped out bj his extraordinary 
vital powers, his ability to work all night like a horse week 
after week; go to bed at dawn and sleep till afternoon; then 
drive a staff of secretaries frantic with his insistent demands, 
ft Likewise, he was helped out by his remarkable personality. 
Actor that he was, he sometimes gained his point by his 
frankness, knowing that when he told the exact truth he 
would not be believed. 

IF Also, he could bluff and swagger, or he could speak in the 
polite accents of the distinguished gentleman; he could gulp 
a quart of champagne without taking the silver tankard from 
his lips; in younger years he used to eat from four to eleven 
eggs at a meal, besides vegetables, cakes, beer, game and 
three or four kinds of meats; his favorite drink was a mix- 
ture of champagne and porter. 

HUH 
IJHe was a chain-smoker, lighted one cigar with another, 
often smoked ten or twelve hours at a stretch. His huge 
pipes, in the drawing room; his beer, in the salons of Berlin; 
his irritability, his bilious streaks, his flashes of temper; his 
superstition about the number 13; his strange mixing of 
God with all his despotic conduct; his fondness for mastiffs; 
his attacks of jaundice; his volcanic outbursts; his belief in 
ghosts, in the influence of the moon to make the hair grow; 



1 8 Blood and Iron 

his mystical something about seven and combinations of 
seven; his incessant repetition of the formula that he was, 
obeying his God — were but human weaknesses that showed 
he had a side like an everyday common man. 
H On top of it all he was great, because he knew how to man- 
age men either with or without their consent; but he always 
studied to place himself in a strategic position from which 
he could insist on his demand for his pound of flesh. 
If Sometimes, it took years before he could lull to sleep, buy, 
bribe or win over the men he needed; again when the game 
was short and sharp, he kicked some men out of his path con- 
temptuously, others he parleyed with, still others he thun- 
dered against and defied; but always at the right time, won 
his own way. 

IT Yes, even Bismarck's card-playing is subordinated to the 
shrewd ends of diplomacy. Dr. Busch, the press-agent of 
Bismarck during the Franco-Prussian war, tells us that Bis- 
marck once made this frank confession: 

Tf "In the summer of 1865 when I concluded the Convention 
of Gastein with Blome (the Austrian), I went in for quinze 
so madly that the rest could not help wondering at me. But 
I knew what I was about. Blome had heard that this game 
gave the best possible opportunity for discovering a man's 
real nature, and wanted to try it on with me. So I thought 
to myself, here's for you then, and away went a few hundred 
thalers, which I really might have charged as spent in His 
Majesty's service. But at least I thus put Blome off the 
scent, so he thought me a reckless fellow and gave way." 

SHU 

3 

Despite vast areas of political bogs, quaking under 
foot, that one must traverse, our Otto is not inac- 
cessible! 

IJFor many years they hate him like hell-fire itself, this 
Otto von Bismarck. The Prussians hate him, the Austrians, 
the Bavarians, to say nothing of the intervening rabble; but 
our tyrant is strong enough, in the end, to win foreign wars, 



■ > 



Bismarck's Human Essence 19 

and then the haters veer about, almost in a night, come up 
on bended knees and kiss the hand that smites — that hand 
of Bismarck, at once the best-beloved and the most-hated 
hand of his time. What more pray do you ask of human 
nature ? 

If Now here is a strange reality : If you look at the general 
outlines of the German map in 1815, you will see that the 
frontiers trace in a startling way the scowling outlines of 
Frederick the Great, "Old Fritz," who first dreamed this Ger- 
man unity idea. 

But mighty Frederick is in the royal tomb these many years; 
and a new Frederick in spirit is rapidly learning the business 
of king-maker and empire-builder. 

M U H 
If Behind the name Bismarck is a story extraordinary, com- 
pounded of the intrigues, blood and passions of Austria, Rus- 
sia, Italy, France, Belgium, Bavaria, Spain, and England. 
Volumes would not suffice to give you the bewildering details; 
mountains of diplomatic letters, orders, telegrams, truths, 
half-truths, shuffling, cutting and stacking; you go confusedly 
from palace to people, prince to pauper, university to prison 
pen — all the way from Waterloo to Versailles, where William 
I received at last his great glory, German Emperor. 
H Bismarck's story is best told in flashes of lightning — as you 
try to picture a bolt from the black skies. 
By the patience of the methodical' historian who laboriously 
examines each document in the National archives, one fills 
soon enough a ten-volume account — with a swamp of cross- 
references, footnotes to each paragraph, and with notes to 
the footnotes. 

H Yet this Bismarck is not inaccessible if we get at his inner 
side, grasp the man's essence. 

Strong arm and tireless brain Time asked;— a man who could 
neither be bent, broken nor brow-beaten; a man who would 
for 40 years follow a plan by no means clear; often had to 
go out in the dark and find his way, all old landmarks lost, 
and no pole-star in sight. 
HI dwell on one outstanding fact, all down through his 



20 Blood and Iron 

career: I mean Bismarck's power to conceal pain. Hurri- 
canes of insulting criticisms swept around his liead, year 
after year, but on the whole Otto's attitude was that of the 
mountain that defies the storm. He would never give in 
that, as it seemed to onlookers, a shaft of disagreeable truth 
had struck home; that a soft-nosed bullet, well aimed, had 
torn his flesh or broken a bone; or that a dagger-thrust, go- 
ing directly through his coat of the White Cuirassier had 
pierced his heart. 

II Even in his bitter defeats, he had a peculiar idiomatic way 
of making out that the result was exactly what he desired. 
It was of course only an adroit explanation to protect his 
pride; the brazen invention of a nature that would not 
acknowledge itself in error. Here is Bismarck, to the core. 
fl For a long and turbulent life-time Bismarck's soul was 
tried by the very tortures of the damned! 



Wherein it is set forth that Otto von Bismarck's 
massive political genius, combined with his personal 
foibles, mark him as a heroic figure, side by side 
with Frederick the Great. 

II In attempting to depict a consistent Bismarck, we find that 
his life has been as much misinterpreted through the carp- 
ing need of envious political critics as through the bad art 
of historically well-disposed friends. 

The perplexing problem is to blend his massive mental grasp, 
side by side with his strange fits of irritability, his turbu- 
lence, his deep-drinking, his gluttony, his wild pranks. 
About him at all times, whether expressed or concealed, there 
floated an ironic derision of the littleness of the average man, 
whom at heart Bismarck despised. 

While the eyes of detractors are everywhere, the voice of 
hero-worship has likewise conspired to make an impossible 
idol of a man with very human and ofttimes crying frailties; 
the biographic truth is to be found somewhere between these 
two extremes; but even with this clear clue in mind, it is 



Bismarck's Human Essence 21 

often difficult to reconcile amazing personal and diplomatic 
inconsistencies with which his career abounds. 
fl Then, too, there is something that strikes like the irony 
of Socrates, only bitter instead of light; and Bismarck re- 
veals now and then a touch remindful of that Rabelaisian 
hero whose enormous capacity could only be quenched by 
draining the river dry. To tell Bismarck's inner life-story, 
in a large way, one must often deal with a series of pictures 
akin to the gods and devils in Dore's delineations for Dante's 
"Inferno." 

It often seems as though every important act of this great 
man's life was charged with the significance of Destiny, 
stands forth vividly against a background of intrigue, super- 
stition, personal follies, the smoke and flame of battle — a 
heroic figure side by side with such master-spirits as Fred- 
erick the Great. 

Like Frederick the Severe, this Bismarck is very human in- 
deed, and has his crying weaknesses, and his enemies, God 
knows, tried for forty years to get rid of him by intrigue, 
often by assassination; yet until his great duty is done he 
must hold firmly to his place, must do the work which brings 
him no peace, or rest, only trouble year after year. 

ill 
^'Throughout the amazing story, no matter which way we 
travel, we always return to a profound sense of this giant's 
will and his massive knowledge of human life, expressed in 
his ability to force the shrewdest men in Europe to do his 
bidding. 

His sense of power is so supreme that sometimes it really 
seems that, as Bismarck himself often sets forth, his author- 
ity fell from heaven. 

Here, there is a direct harking back to the ancient days in 
the Alt Mark, to the Circle of Stendal with its little town of 
Bismarck, on the Biese, where stands the ancient masonry 
dating from 1203, and known as the "Bismarck Louse." 
flThe strange legend of the Bismarck Louse tells worlds of 
the ancient Bismarck power, in those far-off times, helps us 
in the year 1915 to grasp certain obscure phases of the Bis- 
marck racial strength, inherited by Otto von Bismarck. 



22 Blood and Iron 

ff This medieval Bismarck Tower received its name from a 
gigantic louse which inhabited this place, and had to be fed 
and appeased; therefore, every day the superstitious peasants 
of the district brought huge quantities of meat and drink, 
for the monster's food. It is needless to add that these visits 
were encouraged by the Bismarck lord of the soil, in Alt 
Mark; — and here you see already the cunning in managing 
human nature so characteristic of the Bismarck genius. 
fiThe purely social application of this gossip may, however, 
be eyed with suspicion, as a French canard. It was so easy 
for "Figaro" to libel the Bismarck of 1871, whereupon the 
whole French press followed and barked at the Iron Chan- 
cellor's heels. 

He was caricatured, spit at, reviled, depicted as the beast- 
man in Europe. 

U For one thing, Bismarck knew France was the richest na- 
tion in Europe, also that she had ambition for the left bank 
of the Rhine; and to General Sheridan, who chanced to be at 
Sedan and Gravelotte on official business, Bismarck said, 
"The only way to keep France from waging war in the near 
future is to empty her pockets." 

Tf French newspaper editors lashed themselves into insanity 
trying to invent new names for the man who had brought 
the downfall of the Empire, at Sedan; the man who at Ver- 
sailles was arranging the hardest terms of peace ever con- 
ceived by a diplomatic Shylock, bent on having his pound of 
flesh. 

If Paris journalists called him "the incarnation of the evil 
spirit," "the Antichrist," "the shrewd barbarian," "crime- 
stained ogre, who was always thrashing his wife with a dog- 
whip," "he kept a harem, from which no Berlin shopkeeper's 
daughter was safe;" "once he became enamored of a nun and 
hired ruffians to kidnap her and bear her away to his castle;" 
"he is the father of many illegitimate children, in Berlin 
some say as many as fifty;" "he once lashed one of his Rus- 
sian mistresses over the bare shoulders because he suspected 
her of looking at another admirer;" "he uses his confidential 
diplomatic knowledge to add to his huge private fortune by 
gambling on every Bourse in Europe." 



Bismarck's Human Essence 23 

II How magnificent — if it were indeed only true! What a 
relief that would be over the tame details of average human 
life, and what a boon to biographers this grand wickedness! 
Alas, the tales are only important as specimens of French 
drawing room gossip of 1871! 

If The fables never bothered Bismarck a moment. When he 
was ready, he repaid them in his own splendid coin; and cer- 
tainly he was past-master of the gentle art of putting a 
razor-edge on an insult! 

If Bismarck had his vituperative side. Egged on by his wife 
and his son, Bismarck became at times verbally ferocious. 
His wife, a descendant of those terrible Frankish women- 
warriors, stemming from barbarian times, could under stress 
exercise a barbarian's stark freedom of speech; and when 
Bismarck, furious at some insult, was replying with a politi- 
cal cannonade, she would infuriate him to still greater exer- 
tions by suggesting: 
!f Bismarck, hiss a little! Hiss a little!" 

IIS 
fl And after seven hundred years, the Bismarck psychology 
behind the old Tower's superstitious appeal remains substan- 
tially the same. We shall see at times as we sketch for you 
the life portrait of Otto von Bismarck a mysterious atavism; 
the self-same mental astuteness that stood his ancestors in 
such good stead, enabling them to frighten the peasants into 
providing the corn. 
U Yes, blood will tell — and the Bismarck blood is rare juice! 



24 Blood and Iron 

CHAPTER II 

Maait »U GJrll 

5 

Battle-born, Bismarck's genius springs from the 
very fire and sword of human nature — resembling 
definitely his iron-headed barbarian ancestry, whose 
freedom remained unconquered through the cen- 
turies. 
f[ We cannot hope to trace Bismarck to any complete legal 
basis — any more than we can defend the complete legitimacy 
of France, Belgium, or the United States, countries avowedly 
harking back to revolutionary origin. Bismarck's life, like- 
wise, presents unquestioned elements of anarchistic root. In- 
herited from battle-born Bismarcks are forces peculiar to 
himself, free, and individualistic, profoundly expressive 
wherein Mother Nature summoning her ultimate powers en- 
dows a colossal courage in a colossal mind and body. 
ff As far as the Thirteenth Century, the name Bismarck, then 
styled Bishofsmarck or Biscopesmarck, is associated with the 
little river Biese; but whence the original stock is for anti- 
quarians to debate. 

Believe the Bismarcks to be of Bohemian, of Frankish or of 
Jewish origin, or of Slavic if you will, you find bespectacled, 
scholastic authorities who will open the musty pages and 
display to you the truth. 

IF Herbort of Biese became in due course Herbort von Bis- 
marck. The "von" was unquestionably a mark of geograph- 
ical origin, rather than a sign of nobility. The name is borne 
by other families from Biese; but the important part is not 
the name but the men behind that name, what that name 
stood for. 

fi Herbort von Bismarck's name is enrolled in the guild papers 
as master of the merchant tailors of Stendal, in the old Mark 
of Brandenburg; a "Mark" being somewhat equivalent to 
an English "shire." 
tl But this fact about the tailor-ancestor must not be pressed 



Bismarck's Human Essence 25 

too far. Some antiquarian of the year 2700 A. D., let us 
say, might argue that President Taft was a steam-shoveler, 
because the name is found recorded among the laborers who 
helped dig the Panama Canal; whereas, the fact is that the 
President was enrolled as an honorary member of one of the 
labor unions. 

Also, after Waterloo, when the British nation was running 
wild trying to imagine some distinction that as yet had not 
been bestowed on Wellington, the London tailors in a mo- 
ment of inspiration added the Iron Duke's name to the great 
roll of scissor-snippers ! 

m Mi m 

If Beginning with Herbort's son, four Bismarcks, in three 
generations, were social lepers. 

1 JS 1 
If Klaus von Bismarck died about the year 1385, outside the 
holy favor of the church — as his father had died before him, 
and as did two sons, in their turn. But Klaus, ever shrewd 
in a worldly way, recommended himself as a king's fighting 
man; led the robber gang off with the loot in the name of 
his merry monarch, the Margrave of Bavaria. 
If For this most excellent service as a professional man-killer, 
Klaus was rewarded with a knight's fee of forest land, at 
Burgstal, an estate that remained in the family for two hun- 
dred years. There were deer, wild boar, wolves and bear in 
the Bismarck forest, and one day Conrad of Hohenzollern 
came that way on a royal hunting expedition. 
H Conrad could have stolen the Bismarck petty title outright, 
but while he confiscated Burgstal forest, he offered Schoen- 
hausen, on the Elbe., in exchange. However, Schoenhausen 
did not compare with the estate that the envious monarch 
took by force. The Burgstal forest is to this day one of the 
great game preserves of the German Emperor, 
fl The Bismarcks also received in the exchange farming land 
known as Crevisse, lately confiscated by the Hohenzollerns 
from the nuns; and one of the conditions of the transfer to 
the Bismarcks was that these nuns should be supported. 



26 Blood and Iron 

6 

Strong animal basis of Bismarck's rise to Power — 
The story is always the same, "Fight, or die like a 
dog!" 

11 Thus, from time immemorial, the fighting Bismarcks wrote 
their title to a share of this earth with the sword, which in 
spite of all Hague Conferences remains the best sort of title 
man has been able to devise. 

As time sped and what is called Civilization grew somewhat, 
men took on chicken-hearted ways; and in every pinch ap- 
pealed to courts for decisions formerly decided by individual- 
brawn; till finally, as in these latter degenerate days, if a 
fight becomes necessary, society hires policemen to stop the 
row. 

ft Klaus von Bismarck preferred to do his own murdering, 
and consequently, Klaus stood first in the eyes of honest men 
of his own generation; but in this Twentieth Century, instead 
of putting incompetents to the test of the sword, society, 
committed to the soft doctrine that all life is sacred, burdens 
itself with lengthening the days of the daft. A far cry that 
from the ideals of the early Bismarcks! It is well to keep 
these facts in mind, in contemplating the extraordinary ca- 
reer of the great Otto von Bismarck, king-maker and unifier 
of Germany. 

n w m 

fl Modern timid-hearted folk, reading of the desperate make- 
shifts of the old Bismarcks to get on in the world, would say 
off-hand, "There must be a strain of madness in the Bis- 
marck brain?" 

U Unquestionably! This fighting family in each generation 
had its born revolutionists, its enormous egotists, its men 
who lived what orthodox opinion calls "godless lives" — al- 
though in their own philosophy the Bismarcks are always 
preaching that God is on their side. When the Elector de- 
cided to steal Burgstal forest, the Bismarcks set up this pious 
plea: "We w T ish to remain in the pleasant place assigned to 
us by the Almighty." Four hundred years later we find Otto 
von Bismarck using again and again this peculiar reasoning, 



Bismarck's Human Essence 27 

to justify, at least to explain, his own career: "If I were 
not a Christian, I would not continue to serve the King 
another moment. Did I not obey my God and count on Him, 
I should certainly take no account of earthly masters." 
If In three great wars of ambition in which 80,000 perished, 
he repeated this solemn formula about God; he repeated it 
on the blood-drenched field of Koeniggraetz; he repeated it 
in the Holstein war, and he repeated it again at Sedan and at 
Gravelotte. 

f[ Bismarck persisted in this peculiar conception of life, down 
to the last. While in retirement, after his downfall, one 
day the bloody past rose before him like a dream, and he 
exclaimed to Dr. Busch: "Politics has brought me vexation, 
anxiety and trouble; made no one happy, me, my family nor 
anyone else, but many unhappy. Had it not been for me, 
there would have been three great wars less; the lives of 
80,000 would not have been sacrificed; and many parents, 
brothers, sisters and wives would not now be mourners. That, 
however, I have settled with my Maker!" Now, once and for 
all, what we understand this to mean is merely this: a super- 
abundance of faith. Many great leaders have had it — David, 
Cromwell, Bismarck. 

m m m 

$ In seeking biographic clues, through hereditary influences, 
we are impressed with the astounding animal-basis of 
strength behind the Bismarcks, from earliest recorded his- 
tory. They were a deep-drinking, prolific gormandizing race, 
and every mother's son had to do battle by brawn backed by 
the sword, or die like a dog! This bred high tempers, tur- 
bulent manners and contempt for the weak. 
V Soldiers, diplomatists, brow-beaters, characterized the Bis- 
marck clan down through centuries. Stormy and adventur- 
ous Bismarcks fought for the sheer delight of doing battle; 
— it mattered not, whether against the Turks or against 
some near-by king whose lands the German robber-knights 
lusted for and wished to annex by appeal to the sword. 
j[ There is a story of a garrison brawl in which a Bismarck 
slew his companion in drink, then fled to Russia, then on to 



28 Blood and Iron 

Siberia; soldier of fortune, he fights under any flag that 
promises a gay life and plenty of loot. Three hundred years 
later — how the wheel turns round! — Otto von Bismarck, as 
Russian Ambassador to the King of Prussia, engaged in in- 
trigues for the same old lust of land, the same old nefarious 
business, but this time sprayed over by the high-sounding 
name, diplomacy. 

If Dr. Busch, the Saxon press-agent for Prince Bismarck, re- 
peats the old tale of the winning of Alsace by the French 
king, through the aid of Otto von Bismarck's great-great- 
grandfather, a mercenary soldier; adding that while one Bis- 
marck helped take Alsace away, another of that redoubtable 
family brought it back many years later, with the added 
joy of the prodigious money-fine of five billions of francs! 



Boisterous Col. Bismarck, of the Dragoons; "The 
Wooden Donkey dies today!" French Cavalier Bis- 
marck and his mushy prose-poems. 

U Burly strength and horse-play, rather than diplomacy, were 
always distinctive traits of that part of the Bismarck family 
immediately surrounding Otto von Bismarck; and in Otto's 
case, although the years gradually taught him that there 
are more ways of stopping a man's mouth than by cutting 
off his head, on the whole we seek in vain, among ancestral 
Bismarcks, for any striking characteristics in which the 
point does not turn either on gluttony or on deep-drinking. 
U They were enormous eaters. Bread and meat were not 
enough. They must have game, fish, cake, wines, and plenty 
of each. Hunger put them in a rage. They were iron men, 
with stomachs of pigs. 

lj They were unbrooked master spirits, followed the hounds, 
fought duels, had noisy tongues, and gloried in personal in- 
dependence. 

When they loved they loved madly; when they hated it was 
the same. They drank all night and were out again at dawn. 
II Yet in their way, they were high-minded gentlemen, de- 



Bismarck's Human Essence 29 

voted themselves industriously to their duties; and it may be 
that the turbulence of their lives borrowed something from 
the rude clash of opinion that often divided the best friends, 
during the stormy periods of history in which they fought 
as soldiers of fortune. 

II Otto von Bismarck's great-grandfather, Augustus, call- 
ing his cronies of the barracks around him, was wont to add 
zest to the carousal by introducing the trumpet call after 
each toast; to heighten the infernal racket, the boisterous 
colonel of dragoons ordered a volley fired in the drink-hall. 
U This terrible dragoon, master of the hounds, guzzler, com- 
panion and leader in all revels, was generally voted one of 
the amiable men in army circles. He was a noted shot. In 
one year of record his score was 154 red deer and 100 stag, 
fl At the Ihna bridge was a ducking stool, for army punish- 
ments; it took the amusing style of a wooden donkey, and 
was so called by the dragoons as a rude joke. 
After one of his hard drinking bouts, it was often the 
colonel's amusing habit to order his men to march to the 
bridge; on arriving the band struck up and the wooden dor- 
key was thrown into the stream. "All offenders of my regi- 
ment are forgiven," Bismarck would bawl, "the donkey dies 
today!" 

Then with all manner of opera bouffe the offending donkey 
would be put overboard — only to be brought out next morn- 
ing, ready for official business. 

n is m 

IT But our fun-loving colonel's good times were now over. As 
commander of the gallant Anspach-Bayreuth dragoons, Au- 
gustus fought for Frederick the Great and was severely 
wounded at Czaslau. Austrian hussars surprised the trans- 
port wagons carrying the wounded to the rear, and with bru- 
tality common to the soldier-business of that rude day killed 
the defenseless Prussians, among whom was our Colonel von 
Bismarck. 

m ® m 

fl Bismarck's grandfather, Karl Alexander, leaned toward tne 
namby-pamby intellectual rather than to the social and con- 



30 Blood and Iron 

vivial. He is remembered for his affected poetical style. 
Karl, brave soldier, attracted the eye of no less a judge of 
valor than the Great Frederick, who appointed this Karl 
Alexander von Bismarck an attache of the Prussian embassy 
at Vienna. 

U Karl, like other Germans of the sentimental period, aped 
the French poets; but when a German is sentimental, the 
mush-pots boil over. Karl's writings show that peculiar over- 
inflated quality, "sentimentality," so much admired in the 
rococo period. 

g.l 1 

II Karl William Ferd., Otto's father, and Louise Wilhelmina, 
Otto's mother, born Mencken, lived at Schoenhausen in 
troublous French times. Oct. 14th, 1806, the terrible defeat 
at Jena put Prussia in the hands of the enemy. 
Fortresses surrendered without firing a shot, and the panic- 
stricken king fled to the far eastern side of his domains, near 
Russia. 

All this took place within three months after the marriage of 
Karl and Louise, who had now set up housekeeping at 
Schoenhausen. 

1} The Bismarcks tried to escape in a coach, but the French 
unexpectedly appeared and ordered Karl back to the house. 
The French ransacked every room; Louise fled to the library 
and locked the massive oak door; to this day it bears the 
marks of French bayonets; the Bismarcks then hid in the 
forest where they remained all night with panic-stricken 
neighbors; at dawn Karl and Louise ventured out, to find 
Schoenhausen a scene of destruction. 

II The one galling fact that Karl could not overlook, in Mar- 
shal Soult's raid, was the desecration of the genealogical tree. 
This huge painting with its shields of the Bismarck descent 
was slashed from end to end, with bayonets! 
fl Oh, Otto von Bismarck remembered this many, many years 
later, in making terms with the French after Sedan — do not 
for a moment forget that! Such is the amazing power of 
hereditary loves and hates; — and certainly the Bismarcks 
had no reason to admire the French. 



Bismarck's Human Essence 31 

CHAPTER III 

®fp> CSoiljtr (HvMt 

8 
Idyl of the child Otto, in his huge Gothic cradle at 
Schoenhausen; wonders that gather 'round his des- 
tiny, a forecast and a reality. 

Tf Otto Edward Leopold von Bismarck, the great central 
figure in our story, was the fourth of six children, three dy- 
ing in infancy. He was born April 1, 1815, but a few months 
before the crowning defeat at Waterloo — that year big with 
the hammer-blows of Destiny! 

fl In lonesome Schoenhausen on the Elbe, the village lately 
devastated by Marshal Soult and his plundering soldiers, the 
infant Otto sleeps peacefully in his oak-carved Gothic cradle. 
A century later, we still see that huge cradle as one of the 
souvenirs in the famous Bismarck museum at Schoenhausen. 
U Schoenhausen house is one of those thick-walled monuments 
of mediaeval masonry. 

There is, to be sure, something out of drawing about the 
antiquated three-story house; and we survey with respect for 
the past the queer courtyard, leaded panes, park with the 
artificial island, wooded byways, and old forest, and not 
far away is the village church with the square stone tower; 
hard by, also, the kattenwinkel, or Katte's corner, at the con- 
fluence of the Havel and the Elbe; and on the house is the 
Katte's coat-of-arms, a cat watching a mouse, the mark of 
the sturdy 17th century builder, Katte, who to honor his wife, 
Dorothea Sophia Katte, added her name to his builder's sign 
over the lintel. 

H In this historical 1815, seed-time and harvest strangely 
blend, yet are years apart. 

For, while the child sleeps in his Gothic cradle, the Congress 
of Vienna meets to redistribute among the hungry kings the 
old domains stolen as prizes in the long Napoleonic wars; 
and in turn, after incredible political adventures, running 
over years, the child before us, grown to be a man, will smash 



32 Blood and Iron 

the rulings of Vienna and will build an empire stronger far 
than that of imperial France, now dying at Waterloo. 
IT All these wonders gather 'round the destiny of the child in 
the big Gothic cradle, before which we now tiptoe at Schoen- 
hausen, lest we awaken the baby and he cry. 

Ill 
IT When the French overrun Prussian territory the old land- 
owning military aristocracy was reduced to bankruptcy. 
Mortgages falling due could not be paid; the king extended 
credit for four years; and in the interim Prussians were 
forced to use depreciated rag-money; all the gold and silver 
had been confiscated by the French invaders. 
TT Great dissatisfaction followed. The farms had been tilled 
by feudal-laborers, practically slaves; these oppressed peas- 
ants now flew to arms. 

Schoenhausen was a dreary place indeed; while the Bismarcks 
were better off than their neighbors, still the times were out 
of joint and ruin fell over the broad acres. 
IT Then came an unexpected change. Along about 1816, Karl 
inherited Kneiphof, Kuelz and Jarchelin estates from his 
cousin, moved to Kneiphof, just east of the hamlet of 
Naugard. 

The house was exceeding modest; a brook, the Zampel, ran 
near by; and there was a carp pond. Karl was fond of 
hunting in the old beech forest. Such were the unsettled con- 
ditions in the Bismarck family, up to Otto's sixth year. 



9 

Soft-hearted Karl and Spartan Mother Louise; her 
rigid character, its good and its bad side; her ex- 
treme punctilio and her pistol-shooting, to steady 
her sight. 

Tf Otto von Bismarck inherited his tall form from his father, 
Karl William. This unusual type of cavalry captain sub- 
scribed for French journals and ate off silver plate. Karl's 
regiment was known as the "White and Blue," and one of 
his duties was to get up at 4 in the morning and measure 



Bismarck's Human Essence 33 

corn for horses. At one time the captain lived in Berlin, but 
he soon tired of the capital and gladly returned to the coun- 
try where he passed his days as squire. To the end of his 
life, he was fond of horseback riding and hunting; and he 
brought his sons up to ride like centaurs. 
fi Bismarck's mother, Louise Wilhelmina Mencken, married at 
the age of sixteen; her husband Karl was nineteen years her 
senior. 

U In the family circle, the father was known as the heart, 
the mother as the brains; but in Louise's case it might well 
read "ambition." She wished to see Otto von Bismarck, her 
youngest son, become a diplomatist — a judgment that in the 
light of after years seems almost uncanny. 
Later, at the full tide of the Chancellor's great glory, fre- 
quently his earliest friends used to say, "Bismarck, had your 
mother only survived to see this day!" 

Ill 
fl The wife's leading trait was her inflexible resolution, the 
will to rulership; — and rule she certainly did, always. 
For one thing, she steadied her nerves and schooled her sharp 
eyes by practising pistol shooting. 

There was Spartan courage about her decisions! Frau Bis- 
marck's irritability had been growing of late; Karl was too 
soft with Otto. She was angered to think that her husband 
might spoil Otto, by too much coddling. The domestic climax 
came. 

If That day at table, Otto with childish impatience, began 
swinging his legs like a pendulum. The good-natured Karl 
hadn't it in his heart to correct the child, but instead began 
making excuses for Otto's conduct. This aroused Louise's 
ire. To smooth matters Karl said, "See, Minchen, how the 
boy is sitting there dangling his little legs!" 
U Louise then and there read her ultimatum. She would not 
have her son spoiled by the foolishness of his soft father — 
not at all! She would send her beloved son away, first. A.t 
the time, Otto was only six years old. 

And she thereupon proceeded to keep her decision — acting 
with all the aggressiveness for which in later life Otto von 
Bismarck was himself celebrated. 



34 Blood and Iron 

CHAPTER IV 

10 

Wherein is shown the amazing power of hereditary 
traits; history repeats itself. 

lilt was from his mother that Prince Bismarck, the future 
ruler of Germany, received his endowment of dauntless au- 
dacity, his gift of trenchant argument, his bursts of ironical 
laughter, his power of instant decisions, his scolding, and his 
bitter wrath. All these qualities shone in the parliamentary 
fight before the Austrian war, when for three years he de- 
fied the country, and raised the Prussian war-funds by ex- 
tortion! 

Tf In one sense, he was always stacking the cards ! And what 
chance has the fellow-player against the dealer with the 
marked deck? Bismarck's life abounds with episodes show- 
ing this astonishing readiness. In love, in laughter and in 
intrigue, it was ever the same. Bismarck's use of human na- 
ture, constructively, at the precise psychological moment, re- 
dounding to his self-interest, is supreme. 



If At the wedding of his friend Blankenburg to Fraulein 
Thadden-Triglaff, the bridesmaid was Fraulein Johanna von 
Puttkammer. Bismarck saw, admired and decided. Soon 
after in a Hartz journey, with the Blankenburgs, Otto had a 
brief opportunity to favor energetic measures. He wasted 
no time, Johanna must become his wife! He wrote direct to 
the young lady's parents, with whom he was not acquainted. 
A flying visit followed to the home of his intended father-in- 
law. The Puttkammers were surprised at the suitor's im- 
petuous love-making, also were shocked by the reputation 
Bismarck had for fast living. 

The moment he saw parents and daughter he forced the 
situation. Throwing his arms around his sweetheart, Bis- 
marck embraced her, vigorously. And thus he won his 



Bismarck's Human Essence 35 

bride even before an unwilling father and mother; for Bis- 
marck carried them off their feet by the very audacity of his 
wooing. 

Ill 
fl During the Franco-Prussian war, coming to the Rothschild 
chateau, Bismarck found 17,000 bottles of wines in the cellar, 
under lock and key; and the keeper was determined that Bis- 
marck should not use the master's champagnes. 
It took Bismarck only a few minutes to change all that. 
Soon he was comfortably settled in the Baron's private cham- 
bers, reached by a grand winding staircase; here the Chan- 
cellor proceeded to make himself at home in dressing gown 
and slippers. 

IT He rang for the butler, ordered wine for himself and suite. 
The keeper of the cellar still refused — and Bismarck's black 
ire rose. In a voice of thunder he cried, "If you do not open 
that cellar door by the time I count five, you will be trussed 
on a spit, like a fowl!" 

fi After that, the Prussians had what they wanted, made 
merry on the rare wines of Baron Rothschild, who was known 
as a hater of Prussia and an admirer of Austria. 
ft Bismarck now decided to try various gastronomic oddities ; 
ordered his staff to shoot pheasants from the Baron's pre- 
serves, and commanded the cook to stew the birds in 
champagne ! 

Ill 

If When Napoleon wrote his famous note, at Sedan, "Not hav- 
ing been able to die in the midst of my troops, there is 
nothing left for me but to place my troops in your Majesty's 
hands," Bismarck saw the human nature side at a glance! 
He urged peace, then and there, with the Prince Imperial on 
the throne, and "under German influence," which would thus 
give to Prussia the whip hand. General Sheridan tells the 
story. 

It was an instantaneous look into the far future, and although 
it did not prevail, for certain important reasons, the Chan- 
cellor caught the human side of the combination, with the 
clarity of a dramatist constructing a plot. 



36 Blood and Iron 

J[ On his mother's side, Otto von Bismarck comes of hunting, 
fighting and farming stock. 

Shrewd, wise, ambitious, and haughty — with these traits she 
richly endowed her son. His father was handsome, bright, 
solid, emphatic-looking, but with a yielding disposition; the 
iron will and sharp tongue of the wife overawed the husband. 
The shrewish frau had things largely her own way, was able 
to read a lecture like the wrath of God. However, on the 
whole, the couple got along passably well — for Karl never 
took Louise too seriously! When Frau Louise's efforts to 
make a lackey of him got on his nerves, Karl called his 
cronies and away they went fox-hunting. 



11 

At the tender age of six, already is Otto forced out 
of the family circle; the wolf's breed shows its teeth. 

If Well, the incensed Louise, weary of the softness of Karl, 
and fearing lest Karl would spoil Otto by too much petting, 
packed the child off to Plamann Institute, Berlin, a school of 
the Squeers type. 

Otto remained in this Spartan school-prison for nearly six 
years, and to the end of his life carried unpleasant memories. 
Plamann Institute idea was to harden lads, but instead of 
hardening the practices there embittered, 
fl The half -starved boys were up at 6; breakfast of bread and 
milk; religious exercises at 7; at 10, luncheon of bread and 
salt; then, a run in the garden; at noon, dinner from the 
hands of Frau Plamann; and if a lad wanted a second plate, 
and couldn't eat it all, he was punished by being sent to the 
garden, there to remain till he had gulped down the last 
morsel, even though he fairly choked; at teatime, bread and 
salt, or warm beer and slices of bread; all day, studies of in- 
terminable length and dullness; — but, best of all, fencing 
exercises wound up the day. 

TI In the school yard was a lone lime-tree, and here the boys 
came running as a goal for their sports. Using this lime- 
tree as a pulpit, Otto used to read to his companions chapters 
from Becker's stories about giants. 



Bismarck's Human Essence 37 

ff There was a pond near Schoenberg where the pupils used 
to go bathing. Otto's chum was Ernest Kriger. 
U After six years of this life on salt and potatoes, Otto was 
transferred to Dr. Bonnell's Frdk-Wm. Gymnasium, Berlin, 
and in another year to Grey Friars' Gymnasium. Soon after 
Dr. Schleiermacher confirmed Otto, at Trinity Protestant 
church. 

In the light of subsequent history, it is significant, almost un- 
canny, to recall the life-text offered to Otto at this solemn 
moment by his pastor: "And whatsoever ye do, do it heartily, 
as to the Lord, and not unto men." Many years later — just 
before his death — Bismarck ordered the motto to be carved 
on his tomb; all his life he had followed the text. 
H The lad was two years at Grey Friars' school. While there 
Otto's deep-seated hatred of the French is again visible for a 
decisive moment. 

In 1806 Marshal Soult had slashed the genealogical tree of 
the Bismarck family; and young Otto, who often heard the 
story, grew up with the idea that the French were ogres. 
The school schedule, among other studies, called for French, 
or English as an optional selection; although all Otto's chums 
decided for French, the lad flatly refused to follow and in- 
stead stood almost alone in the English class. 
If He is no longer a child when he says good-bye to Grey 
Friars; he is a young man of 17 — and life is opening before 
him. 

Life! The joyous care-free life of youth and inexperience; 
with the world and its cares still seemingly far away! 



12 

At Goettingen, he joined the Hannovera Corps and 
his record is twenty-eight duels; his face bore many 
scars, among them a long cut from left jaw to 
corner of his mouth. 

IF Otto's mother, who had strong social aspirations and held 
to the rigid exclusiveness of the upper classes, wished to send 
her son to an aristocratic university. So she selected Goet- 



38 Blood and Iron 

tingen. Her ideas were to make her son a man of dignity 
and solid social qualities. 

Alas, he became but an indifferent student, excelling prin- 
cipally in dueling, beer-bouts in college taverns, dog-fighting, 
flirting, and general deviltries unnumbered, for which he 
spent considerable time in the college dungeon. Listen to 
this: 

H Many years ago, in his roaring student days, long before 
Otto von Bismarck was famous, he received an invitation to 
a ball, and went to the shoemaker to be measured for high- 
topped military boots, affected by the beaux of that day. 
Calling some days later, he was told that it would be im- 
possible to get them finished in time; and he would therefore 
have to wear his old boots to the ball. 

H Bismarck scowled and going back to his rooms, whistled for 
his two ferocious dogs with which he was wont to trail 
around town; returning to the cobbler's the daring rascal said 
in a loud voice: "Mister bootmaker, at a signal from me the 
dogs will tear you to pieces! I am here to tell you, in the 
most friendly way in the world, that it is absolutely neces- 
sary to have my boots on time." 

IT Bismarck then went away, but he hired a man to parade 
up and down in the vicinity of the shop with the two mas- 
tiffs; and now and then this man dropped in, and in a voice 
of sorrow, said to the cobbler: "My master has a terrible 
temper and I am sorry for you." At that, the shoemaker 
told his wife: "Frau, I am going to work all night, to get 
Herr Bismarck's boots finished in time for that ball!" 
ft It is needless to add that young Bismarck had his boots on 
time. 

ill 

U In discussing Bismarck's life and personality many writers 
will tell you that the man is inconsistency itself; advocating 
now what in a year he will recant; that for this and other 
reasons it is baffling to try to make a picture many-sided 
enough to portray adequately his complex life. 
11 On the contrary, Bismarck, once you get the biographic 
clue, is as open, free and direct as the light of the noonday 



Bismarck's Human Essence 39 

sun. And the story of the poor cobbler and the boots is all 
there is to it! 

Repeat this story in a hundred and one forms, and the same 
man is always behind. 

If Among his cronies, he early gained the name "The Mad 
Bismarck." At Goettingen university, Otto fought 28 duels 
and his face bore his fighting scars. 

ft To scare the girls and to make them shriek and lift their 
skirts, a sight that the rascal Otto enjoyed, one night at a 
dance he let loose a small fox in the ball room! And he had 
ridden like the devil, some 30-odd miles to be at this dance. 
H As for drinking, no man could put him under the table. 
Later in life, he invented his own special draught, a com- 
bination of champagne and porter; ordinary men dropped 
under the deadly compound as from a dose of cyanide of 
potassium, but Otto could drain his quart without taking 
the tankard from his lips. He soon had all the company 
under the chairs, like dead soldiers. 

H Often, at country houses, he fired pistols to awaken guests 
in the morning. 

ff His groom fell into the canal, the young giant Bis- 
marck leaped in and dragged the drowning man to safety; 
for this heroic deed, Bismarck won his first medal. 

IS s IS 
^Bismarck's student life was tempestuous. He was indeed 
full of the very devil. 

His every-day get-up comprised top boots, long hair flowing 
over the collar of his velveteen jacket; a big brass ring on 
the first finger of his left hand; two fierce mastiffs trotted 
sullenly at his side. He trailed around, smoking a long pipe. 
II The young man's high animal spirits broke all restraints; 
he smoked, he drank, he sang, he flirted, and he fought; but 
as for books, he did as little studying as he could. 
He was sent many times to the university "career" or prison; 
an interesting souvenir is still to be seen at Goettingen, the 
student-prison door, on which Bismarck carved his name in 
1832, when he was "doing" ten days for acting as second in 
a pistol duel. 



40 Blood and Iron 

With a Mecklenburg student, Otto's great chum, a trip 
was made through the Hartz mountains, and on returning 
a wine dinner was offered to other students. 
All the fellows drank too much brandy. Bismarck made an 
inflammatory speech, at table, ending by showing his de- 
rision of scholasticism by hurling ink bottles out of the win- 
dow. For this breach of the rules, he was hauled before the 
university court. Here, he appeared in outlandish get-up, 
jack boots, tall hat, long pipe, dressing gown — and coolly 
asked the proctor what 'twas all about. Bismarck's huge 
dogs, with which he was always accompanied, frightened the 
proctor half to death! Bismarck was promptly fined five 
thalers for his absurdities; he paid the fine and began study- 
ing up more deviltry. 

fi Joining the Hannovera Corps of fighting men, Otto was 
soon known as "Achilles," leading the fellows in all sword- 
play. He fought duel after duel, and finally under the in- 
fluence of Morley, an American student, decided to switch 
over from the Hannovera to the Brunswick corps — whereon 
every Jack in the Hannovera sent Otto a challenge. 

Ill 
Tf On a trip to Jena, the fellows decided on a riot, and were 
deep in their cups when the Goettingen proctor arrived to 
bring the runaway Bismarck back, and put him in the "car- 
eer" till he cooled off. The Jena fellows carried on at a 
great rate to think that the beloved "Achilles" had to leave 
so unceremoniously, but at the last moment hitched up six 
horses and paraded Bismarck around town, as a demonstra- 
tive fare thee well! 

H 11 H 

II The scene of many of his drinking bouts was "Crown" 
tavern, an ancient Goettingen resort, where the fellows sat on 
wooden benches in front of a long bar and drank till they 
felt like fighting cocks. By the way, it is a bit strange that 
Otto had such amazing capacity; for he was as thin as a 
knitting needle. 

Among the men Bismarck met at this bar was Albrecht von 
Roon, who many years later was to become the great Prus- 
sian military drill-master. 



Bismarck's Human Essence 41 

U Bismarck finally left Goettingen in August, '33 ; his last 
duel was with an Englishman who had made fun of the 
German peasant, describing that worthy as "a dunce in a 
night cap, whose night-dress is made of 39 rags." The 39 
rags was an allusion to the 39 petty German states. Bis- 
marck was already becoming imbued with the "national Ger- 
man faith," as it was called, and could not let the insult 
go by. 

fl As a rule, Bismarck was lucky in his sword play. The big- 
gest slash he received was made by Biedenweg, whose sword 
broke and cut Otto from jaw to lip, on the left cheek — a scar 
that Bismarck carried to his grave. 

% Giesseler, the proctor, gave Bismarck a very doubtful letter 
of recommendation; the duelist and beer-drinker had asked 
for a transfer to Berlin university. Otto wanted to hear law 
lectures by Savigny. 

f[ He began his Berlin course in a mocking way. There was 
an unserved jail sentence hanging over Bismarck's head at 
Goettingen; and with sham seriousness, as though he were 
going to turn over a new leaf, Otto humbly set up that, to 
be strictly honest with the professors, to jail Otto must go 
and to jail they sent him! But no sooner was he out than 
he forgot all his good resolutions, and began his mad exist- 
ence again. 

If Finally, in May, 1835, he passed his examination in law, 
or "advocate assistant," but not without hiring a professional 
"crammer" to drill him hours and hours — to make up for 
wasted weeks in beer cellars and with the pretty girls. 



13 

Deficient in discipline, young Otto makes a fizzle of 
his first office-holding; his shocking conduct against 
his superior officer; back to the old estates, he looks 
after the cattle, dogs and horses, 
fl Harum-scarum days are over — and now for the serious 
business of life. Years later, in the days of his great re- 
nown, Bismarck, thinking of his early preparation, always 



42 Blood and Iron 

regretted, he said, that he did not join the army. As a 
matter of fact, he had no serious plans for years to come — 
and it would appear that, on the whole, his career was de- 
cided by accident. Of this more, at the right time, later. 

Ill 
H When Bismarck was 20, he served several months at Aix-la- 
Chapelle, in court work, then was transferred to Potsdam, 
to the administrative side. 

He soon showed himself deficient in discipline. An over- 
officer kept him waiting, and Bismarck took personal offense. 
At last Bismarck was admitted. The over-officer was sitting 
there, calmly killing time smoking a cigar. Bismarck leaned 
over and in his gruff way asked, "Give me a match!" This 
in itself was highly insolent, a violation of Prussian ideas of 
discipline. But the astonished over-officer complied. The 
young clerk thereupon sprawled in a chair and lighted his 
cigar. 

It was, you see, merely to show his independence. Also, it 
meant that he had to get out of the service. 
fl Bismarck was glad to go; he hated intensely the clock-like 
regularity of the Prussian bureaucracy. 

TF His mother died in 1839, at which time Otto was 24; and on 
the young chap now fell the management of the Pomeranian 
estates. 

IF In 1844, Otto went to live with his father at Schoenhausen; 
here, Otto and his brother looked after the farms. Otto was 
later appointed Dyke-captain of the Elbe, 
fl Along about this time, a religious revival swept through 
Prussia and Otto was carried away on the flood; also, he be- 
gan showing himself a strong monarchical man. 
Always religious and always a King's man, at heart, Otto 
now seriously studied religion and state affairs. When the 
call came, he was not found wanting! 

H M M 
IF We hasten along. In 1847, Otto's naturally deep religious 
convictions were strengthened by his wife's uncompromising 
orthodoxy. 
IF It was in this year, also, that he made his entry into Prus- 



Bismarck's Human Essence 43 

sian politics — to the study of which he was to devote his 
long life and his surprising genius. However, to present a 
clear idea of the work Bismarck was to do, it is necessary 
to return, briefly, to an earlier day, and to trace a complex 
historical movement through the past. We shall summarize, 
on broad lines, the problem presented by the question of 
German national unity. The German problem comprised a 
political, sociological and racial situation toward whose solu- 
tion hundreds, if not thousands, of notable men and women, 
for several generations past, had sought in vain. 
T[ "Nothing," says Wilhelm Gorlach, "can more clearly prove 
Bismarck's historical importance than the fact that we are 
obliged to go back several centuries to understand the con 
nection of his actions." 



BOOK THE SECOND 

The German National Problem 

chapter v 

®ty <&vmt Harrow 

14 

The German crazy-quilt, of many hues and colors, 
and how this blanket was patched and mended 
through the years. 

II From the 18th Century, and indeed before that time, to 
say nothing of years to come as late as 1871, there was in 
fact no Germany. The term was a mere geographical "desig- 
nation." We shall hear more of this, as Bismarck assumes 
the stupendous task of German unity, in a real sense of the 
word; but we will never understand what Bismarck and other 
statesmen who hoped for German unity had to deal with, un- 
less we take a broad survey of conditions in Germany from 
the year 1750; not only from the political but also from the 
social and domestic side, as represented in 300-odd German 
principalities that like a crazy-quilt were thrown helter-skel- 
ter from Hamburg on the North to Vienna on the South. 
flMany of the holdings were gained through musty papers 
from rulers of the ancient Holy Roman Empire, a nation Vol- 
taire declared "neither holy, nor empire, nor Roman." 
U There were free cities, great landlords, and there were 
great robber-barons — thieves of high or low degree, 
fl At Cologne, Treves and Mayence archbishops held the lower 
valley of the Moselle, also some of finest parts of the Rhein 
valley. 

IF Next, came dukes, landgraves, margraves, cities of the Em- 
pire, and then still smaller, duchies in duodecimo, down 
through some 800 minor landlords who as the owners of 
some borough or village walked this earth genuine game 
cocks on their own dunghills. Political conditions were dis- 
tressing; old feuds, old hates prevailed. 

(45) 



46 Blood and Iron 

There were restrictions on commerce, statute labor, barbarous 
penal laws, religious persecution and Jew-baiting. 

ill 
ffln short, to make 300-odd jealous princelings join hands 
in national brotherhood is the complex problem that goes 
down through the years; generation after generation; till at 
last the one strong man appears, Otto von Bismarck, who in 
his supreme rise to power sees clearly that the only hope 
for Germany is in a complete social and political revolution, 
in which the changes in the German mind concerning politi- 
cal unity in governmental affairs must be as unusual as the 
transformations in the German mode of life. 

sag] 

fl During the early part of the 18th Century, of which we are 
now writing, a certain bold political doctrine still stood un- 
challenged. It had come out of the dim and hoary past, and 
in effect it proclaimed the power of the fist. For centuries 
unnumbered the idea prevailed that a state defends itself 
against foreign foes, and otherwise conserves its existence 
through the direct will of a strong ruler, preferably a king 
brought up in arms. 

Thus the "genius of the people" meant in effect the wisdom 
or the ignorance of the line of kings. 

Under this theory, Prussia by slow degrees and through 
many sacrifices of blood and treasure, had become a great 
power. 

U Fred: Wm. I., (1713-40), who was indeed a miser and a 
scoffer, freed little Prussia from debt and rebuilt cities 
ruined by the wars. He likewise established a system of 
compulsory education, made schoolmasters state officers, and 
contributed mightily to a higher standard. 
And he went further still: he welcomed religious exiles from 
other parts of Germany; he settled thousands of immigrants 
on the raw lands; he saved his money, economized to the 
last pfennig, was prudent in a worldly sense, and to the end 
of his life remained intolerable foe of idleness. 
1]It was from this severe master that the Great Frederick 
(1740-86) learned the trick of laying his cane over the backs 
of peasants and crying out in rage: "Get to work!" 



The German National Problem 47 

If Old Fritz continued his line of battle from 1740 to 1763, in 
various unequal contests with the Allies. He fought Austria, 
France, Russia, Sweden, Saxony, and Poland, and for a while 
he fought their allied strength. The upshot was that 
Prussian enemies at home and abroad were defeated and 
Prussia won first rank as a military and political power. 
This idea of military discipline, united with large worldly 
sagacity in the management of state affairs, marks and ex- 
plains Prussia's rise to power. 

U But the decline was equally manifest under Fr: Wm. II, 
the Great Frederick's nephew. Although he inherited a do- 
main of six millions of people, banded under an excellent 
administrative system, sustained by the disciplined army of 
"Old Dessaur" (Prince Leopold), and although Fr: Wm. II 
found the huge sum of 40,000,000 thalers in his fighting 
uncle's treasure chest, yet within a few years all these 
splendid advantages were frittered away in idle dalliance 
and the weak king found himself twenty millions in debt. 
By the time he died, 1797, Prussia was riding to a fall; and 
disregarding plain measures for her own safety, she had 
reached the sad place where the sturdy old Prussian spirit 
of prudence and independence had become so compromised 
that Prussia almost deemed it unessential to preserve her 
own political life! 

U Thus, within three generations, Prussia repeated the old 
story of human life, wherein the weak descendant eats up 
the strong sire's goods. Frederick the Great died Aug. 
17th, 1786. Within three years, France struck at the Ger- 
man lands; and within 20 years the old Constitution of the 
Empire was scoffed at by encircling enemies along the 
frontiers, led by France, while at home political disputants 
destroyed National spirit by exciting revolution after revo- 
lution. "Everywhere," says Zimmermann, (Germany, p. 
1618), "one felt the morning breeze of the new dispensation." 
The cry of the people had to be answered, and the common 
man wanted to know not only "Why!" but "When!" 
H For the ensuing 85 years clamor, disruption and disunion 
continue often accompanied by bloodshed; till through Bis- 



48 Blood and Iron 

marck's great work over which he toiled for 40-odd years, 
came the final answer of the Imperial democracy, 1871. 

§11 
IF It is to be the labor of years with confusion worse con- 
founded, as we go along. The Feudal system, with which 
Germany has been for centuries petrified, must be thrown off; 
the peasant laborers freed in some sort, whether social or 
political, the absurd restrictions of countless customs houses 
walling-in each petty principality, must be destroyed. Before 
a new Germany may emerge, if Germany is to emerge at all, 
a National faith must be stimulated, fighting blood stirred, 
wars waged. Then, and then only, may this idea of German 
Unity, long the puzzling mental preoccupation of the fathers, 
become a geographical actuality and a political fact. 
If The German peasants' sense of respect for vested authority, 
even when held by hated kings, made the common people of 
the various German states almost ox-like in their patience 
under harsh political conditions. 

Between the power of petty tyrants and of foreign despots, 
there was no freedom worthy of the name. 
The German lived for himself, aloof, suspicious, not caring 
particularly to change his condition. 

Compromise after compromise, failure after failure, sorrow 
after sorrow must be recorded in the great story; but do not 
despair. In amazing manner, through blood and iron, Otto 
von Bismarck, our blond Pomeranian giant, will face, fight 
and finally conquer the bewildering cross-forces of his time 
— till "German national faith" is supreme. 

1. B 1 
U Paying no attention to its neighbor, each German state 
stood off by itself; each princeling had his army, in some 
instances only 25 men; each ruler had his castle, in imitation 
of Versailles; each state its custom house, its distinct court 
and rural costumes. 

To go ten miles north or south was to find yourself in a new 
world; you could scarcely understand the mush-talk of the 
peasants, whereas the various Liliputian courts chattered in 
mongrel French, aped from Versailles. 
U The minor courts of Germany imitated the excesses of Ver- 



The German National Problem 49 

sailles; had dancing teachers from Paris, French barbers, 
French governesses, and French prostitutes. 
Every young man of wealth was sent to Paris to acquire 
what was called "bon ton," that is to say, familiarity with 
the vices of the day; the etiquette of the fan and the study 
of new ways to spend money wrung from over-taxed peasants 
of German provinces was also regarded as very important. 
Even to speak German was held a mark of vulgarity; and 
what more despicable than to be ashamed of one's ancestry? 
11 Unmoved by the sufferings of the peasants, Augustus III 
of Saxony applied himself to grand operas, written by queens 
of French society. While the peasants were living like 
beasts, Frederick Augustus, the successor, spent his time 
hunting red deer. The dukes of Coburg and Hildburghausen 
were miserable bankrupts. As a result of social excesses, 
Charles VII of Bavaria left a debt of forty millions. Charles 
Theodore, in some respects an enlightened monarch, is par- 
ticularly remembered for three strange facts: That he once 
gave an opera in German and not in French; that he tried 
to sell off Bavaria, his inheritance, and move to a more con- 
genial locality; and third, that he hired Rumford, the great 
chemist, to invent a soup, at low cost, to feed the poor, whose 
miseries had been growing on account of the bad government. 
11 Nor should we overlook the monarch at Zweibrucken, the 
Pfalzgraf Charles. His mania took the form of collecting 
pipes and toys, of which he had innumerable specimens from 
the ends of the earth. He kept also one thousand five hun- 
dred horses and a thousand dogs and cats. Every traveler 
had to take off his hat and bow at sight of the spire, on pain 
of being beaten by the Count's constable. 
% Charles Eugene, of Wuertemberg, slave to luxury, played 
pranks when he was not indulging in vices. He liked to 
alarm peasants at night with wild cries; and when a woman 
stuck her head out of the window, the monarch would throw 
a hoop and try to drag her outside. In a deep forest he built 
his castle "Solitude." 

% On his 50th birthday, he wrote to his subjects, promising 
to mend his life; the letter was read in all the churches. 



50 Blood and Iron 

The people decided that he was in earnest, promised him 
more money, of which he was in sore need. His first step 
was to contract a left-handed marriage with Francisca von 
Bernedin, whom he raised to the rank of countess. 
% His next step was to build a queer bird-cage for his new 
mate. Menzel says of this episode: "Records of every clime 
and of every age were here collected. A Turkish mosque 
contrasted its splendid dome with the pillared Roman temple 
and the steepled Gothic church. The castled turret rose by 
the massive Roman tower; the low picturesque hut of the 
modern peasant stood beneath the shelter of the gigantesque 
remains of antiquity; and imitations of the pyramids of Ces- 
tius, of the baths of Diocletian, a Roman senate-house and 
Roman dungeons, met the astonished eye." 

11 IS 11 
fl Another amiable peculiarity of French-mongering German 
princelings in their petty monarchies, was man-stealing. 
Hard-pressed for funds, the practice was to kidnap peasants 
and sell them into foreign military service. The vile trade 
was dignified by court authority; followers of the game were 
known as "man merchants." 

ifThe Wuertemberg monarch in order to raise funds to com- 
plete the absurd castle for his mistress, took it into his head 
to sell 1,000 peasants to the Dutch, for the war in the In- 
dies; and so deep lay the curse of tyranny that no public 
protest was raised. It is true that Schiller, the noble poet, 
who at this time was a student at Charles College, fled in 
disgust, but Schaubert, another poet, was not so fortu- 
nate; he was seized and imprisoned for ten years, 
fl The vile practice of man-stealing from the wretched peas- 
antry long continued as a monarchical privilege. The Land- 
grave Frederick of Hesse-Cassel, on one occasion sent 12,800 
Hessians to the British, to fight in America. English com- 
missioners came over and inspected the captive men as 
though picking out stock at a cattle show. Should a parent 
protest, a son, a wife or a widow, the answer was the lash. 
Hanau furnished 1200 of these slave-soldiers, Waldeck sev- 
eral hundred. Seume, who was himself a victim to the sys- 



The German National Problem 51 

tern, deported to America, tells us in his Memoirs: "No one 
was safe; every means was resorted to, fraud, cunning, 
trickery, violence. Foreigners were thrown into prison, and 
sold." 

"There is a Hessian prince of high distinction," says Huer- 
gelmer. "He has magnificent palaces, pheasant-preserves, 
at Wilhelmsbad, operas, mistresses, etc. These things cost 
money. He has, moreover, a hoard of debts, the result of 
the luxury of his sainted forefathers. What does the prince 
do in this dilemma? He seizes an unlucky fellow in the 
street, expends fifty dollars on his equipment, sends him out 
of the country, and gets a hundred dollars for him in 
exchange." 

m is n 

% Frederick of Bayreuth expended all his revenues in build- 
ing a grand opera house, for giving balls, parties, recep- 
tions and official functions to aristocrats. His successor 
Alexander fell under the sway of Lady Craven, a British ad- 
venturess, who led the peasants a merry chase for the cash; 
man-stealing was the old game; and one order alone from 
the British government called for 1,500 peasants. 

m m m 

If But why continue the recital of man's inhumanities ? 
Charles of Brunswick, a spendthrift, who sold subjects into 
captivity, paid his ballet-master 30,000 a year. Frederick 
of Brunswick on one occasion sold 4,000 peasants to Britain, 
for the army. 

1f The terrible famine of 1770-72 added to the discontent of 
the common man, throughout Germany; he began to feel 
that it was the duty of kings to feed the hungry; bark, 
grass, leaves, carrion were eaten; disease spread; emigrations 
depopulated the Eheinlands; 20,000 left Bavaria alone; while 
upwards of 180,000 Bavarians died of hunger; in Saxony, the 
number that starved to death is placed at 100,000. Other 
kingdoms suffered heavily. 

H In many of the provinces were laws to prevent immigration; 
those who tried to get Bavarians to leave the country were 
guilty of a crime, punishable by hanging. A similar punish- 
ment was exacted for marrying out of one's native province. 



52 Blood and Iron 

If Also, the wretched condition of the roads added to the iso- 
lation of the various German provinces. Exacting customs' 
duties, military espionages, a weak postal system, con- 
tributed to keep Germans unacquainted, except with near 
neighbors. He, indeed, was a bold man who had gone over 
the mountains or beyond his native valley. Even a journey 
of two days caused grave anxieties; the carriage was almost 
certain to be overturned in some deep rut and the travelers 
injured or killed; robbers lay in wait in the mountains; pro- 
tection was almost unheard of; life and property were inse- 
cure; every traveler had to be his own policeman, and never 
issued forth on a journey without dagger, pistol and sword. 

HUH 
fl Thus, 300 princelings, great or small, were determined to 
rule in their individual capacities; there was no Germany 
in fact, and that much of the German Empire that had out- 
lived the gradual ruin of the old Holy Roman Empire, the 
great-ancestor of Germany, was now approaching complete 
dissolution. 

The power lay no more in states, but in 300-odd local politi- 
cal bureaus, scattered everywhere, dominated often enough 
by an ambitious French prostitute, or by some lucky ballet- 
master. 

IF Then, there was August of Saxony, who is said to have 
been the father of 300 children. This foolish fellow's fetes 
cost thalers by the wagon-load; one set of Chinese porce- 
lains ran into the millions, and it cost 6,000 thalers to gild 
the gondolas for a night in June, to say nothing of the fancy 
ball. 

If The Baden monarch, Charles William, built Carlsruhe in the 
deep forest, the better that his orgies be kept from prying 
eyes. 

tlEberhardt of Wuertemberg gave the whole conduct of his 
government over to women and Jews — and by the way the 
Jews were the only saving force. As for the Graevenitz 
woman, she was king in petticoats. She mortgaged crown 
lands and raised hell generally. One day in church she made 
a fuss about not being mentioned among royal rulers, and 
the pastor immediately replied: "Madam, we mention you 



The German National Problem 53 

daily in our prayers when we say: '0 Lord, deliver us from 
all evil!' " Once, in time of famine, Charles William scat- 
tered loaves of bread; the rabble maddened by hunger fought 
to the death for the dole! 

UAlso, there were Ernest of Hanover and Tony of Bruns- 
wick, two precious rascals, with all their retinue of mis- 
tresses, mistresses' maids, mothers, hangers-on, and pimps. 
Carl Magnus had his Grehweiler palace costing 180,000 guel- 
den. He grew so desperate that the Emperor sent him to a 
fortress for ten years' imprisonment, for forging documents 
to raise the wind. Count Limburg-Styrum was a princeling 
whose army consisted of one colonel., six officers and two 
privates! Count William of Bueckeburg had a fort with 300 
guns, defending a cabbage patch. Count Frederick of Salm- 
Kyrburg swindled the churches; and in tiny Schwarzburg- 
Sondershausen, only 15 miles square, was a royal palace of 
350 rooms with clocks of all sizes, great and small, in each 
apartment. This count went mad over clocks, but was popu- 
lar with the working class; often he would take a man off a 
job in order to laugh and joke. 

Also, Frederick had original taste in military affairs; his 
army comprised 150 soldiers, with 28 guards on horseback. 
The prince prided himself on being a wrestler, and one day 
when a yokel threw the prince, the prince set up a great cry, 
"I slipped on a cherry stone!" — and this regardless of the 
fact that it was not the time of the year for cherries. 
11 There was another local ruler, Ludwig Guenther, who was 
fond of painting horses, and on his death 246-odd horse pic- 
tures adorned the walls of his palace. 

mm® 

11 "Show a German a door and tell him to go through, and 
he will try to break a hole in the wall." 

If "Here, every one lives apart in his own narrow corner, with 
his own opinions; his wife and children round him; ever sus- 
picious of the Government, as of his neighbor; judging every- 
thing from his personal point of view, and never from gen- 
eral grounds. 

IT "The sentiment of individualism and the necessity for con- 
tradiction are developed to an inconceivable degree in the 
German." 



54 Blood and Iron 

TI The problem of directing this intense individualism is the 
problem of German unity. 

Ill 

HWith rough manners, blunders, extravagances, absurdi- 
ties, the hereditary princes continued to sponge on the peas- 
ants, generation after generation, till wretchedness spread 
far over the German lands. They had their chateaux, their 
dancing girls, their dogs, horses, cats, mistresses and their 
royal armies. 

H The misery of centuries of oppression existed; petty mon- 
archs exercised powers of life and death. 
!I The South German mocked the North German's pronun- 
ciation. One set vowed that the "g" in "goose" is hard, 
the other proclaimed that the "g" is soft. One side went 
about mumbling with hard "g's," "A well-baked goose is a 
gracious gift of God," whereupon the other side replied that 
all the "g's" are "j's," that the "gute ganz" is really 
"jute janz," and "Gottes" "Jottes." And duels were fought 
over it. 

fl Nor was this all. An intense local pride expressed itself in 
grotesque dialects, unsoftened by intercourse with the outer 
world; also, there were outlandish fashions in dress and other 
domestic affairs. 

fl In Brunswick the women wore green aprons, curious black 
caps, the men buff coats, red vests with four rows of buttons, 
caps with crazy pompons, buckled slippers and gay ribbon 
garters. 

fl In lower Saxony the women wore flat straw hats, like a 
dinner plate, hair plastered down, head-dresses of gigantic 
black ribbons, aprons of gay stripes, and ten petticoats com- 
ing only a little below the knee. The men wore farce- 
comedy costumes, not unlike coachmen. 

fl In Pomerania-Rugen the women admired scarlet petticoats, 
knee-length, capes like turko-rugs, black veils, green garters 
and blue stockings. The men wore aprons like butchers, caps 
and long-tailed coats. 

ff The Hessian women preferred turbans of red, vestees of 
gay stuffs, blue, green or yellow knee-length skirts. 



The German National Problem 55 

II The Baden men folk liked reds, greens and yellows, vests 
adorned with many ribbons, top boots, high white collars and 
funny-looking black coats. The women had their green 
aprons, puffed sleeves, and ten short petticoats. 
U In East Prussia men wore double and triple vests. As for 
the women, they looked like animals in the zoo. 
H In Wuertemberg, a typical landlord wore a blue peajacket 
with two rows of large silver buttons, two vests of high con- 
trasting colors, a black sash, salmon-colored trousers, pol- 
ished boots; — and carried a meerschaum pipe. 
Jlln Bavaria one saw green vests, yodlers' hats with tiny 
feathers, green leggings, or military boots; and among the 
women gay vestees, bright shawls and white kerchiefs. 

m m is 

IF Thus, the dead-weight of centuries still lay like a mountain 
on the various German states. 

ft This dead-weight of olden times kept the German states 
bickering among themselves. 

For long years past, the people were divided by political 
brawls, altercations, affrays, squabbles, feuds, often with the 
loss of life. The general disposition was choleric, pugna- 
cious, litigious. 

There was bad blood over principles and procedure, policies 
and plans. 

To transform aloofness to neighborliness, tumult to concilia- 
tion, quarreling to friendliness, hostility to good will, dis- 
sent must give way to assent, distrust to faith, denial to 
admission, misgiving to conviction, political atheism to po- 
litical revelation. 

Such are some of the peculiarities of the human animal; and 
in political life human animals are prone to fight for self- 
interest, like dogs over a bone. 

110 
ft We are not going to try to tell you of the many efforts by 
rash reformers, in the half-century of the dead-weight, lead- 
ing to the rise of Prussia. 

Again and again, far-sighted Germans, sick unto death at 
the way things were going, urged equality for all men be- 



56 Blood and Iron 

fore the law, equal taxation, restriction of the power of the 
nobles. 

Strange as it may seem, the peasants themselves stood in 
the way. They did not care to change their condition, miser- 
able as it was. They dreaded the future, preferred present 
miseries than to risk new ills. For example, on one occa- 
sion, a certain political idealist excited the peasants in revolt, 
assassinated 120 nobles, destroyed 264 castles. This was in 
the time of Joseph II, of Austria, the ruler filled with amaz- 
ing ideas of equality. The peasants themselves were the 
first to protest, much as they detested the nobles; and the 
unsupported leaders died on the wheel, while 150 miserable 
followers were buried alive. 

And yet, at that very moment, the idealistic Joseph, who 
with an excess of zeal, tried for political equality, made 
enemies of his nobles, enemies of his peasants, likewise. The 
great reformer was held a fanatic, intent on destroying 
government. Too far ahead of his time, his plans for po- 
litical semi-equality failed. 

U This monarch, thinking to make a lesson, had swindling 
nobles placed in the stocks, like common thieves, 
Joseph was one of the first great democrats, in the modern 
sense. To him, the cause of the common man was sacred. 
He believed in genuine equality, but alas, he did not know 
how to bring about the political Millennium. 
U He threw open the parks to the people; he proclaimed 
free speech and free thought; he abolished serfdom; he 
labored to construct a state-machine with one system of 
justice and one National plan. 

Joseph, though overbrimming with emotions for the common 
man's political salvation, failed to allow for the ignorance 
of his people, their stubborn avowal of local self-interests. 
If And it fell out that his people thought that Joseph was 
trying to enslave them the more; ingratitude and misappre- 
hensions followed, destroying the liberal reformer's most 
cherished plans for his beloved Austria-Germany. 
The word was passed along that Joseph was a tyrant. You 
see, as frequently happens, the people preferred old abuses 



The German National Problem 57 

to new ways. The general population hugged their chains 
and refused to be delivered. 

This singular belief in the past, rather than in the future, is 
indeed a human weakness and has checked and restrained 
the rise of intellectual freedom since the world began. 

Ill 
Tilt might all have been a good lesson to republicans, but 
the nobility assumed a threatening attitude and the peasants 
did not understand a monarch like Joseph. 
Their idea of a king was a man going upstairs on horseback 
and eating spiders. A king must have powers of life and 
death and bags of gold. A citizen king was absurd. 
The peasantry, on whom Joseph had endeavored to bestow 
many large democratic privileges, rose against him. He died 
Feb. 20, 1790, "a century too early," says Jellenz, and as 
Eemer adds, "misunderstood by a people unworthy of such a 
sovereign." 

S3 g| 11 

H Germany, in the sad period between 1750 and 1806 had 
long been a European political jest; these are hard words, 
but it is the language of truth. 

She had sunk so low that she saw no degradation in going 
off to fight French or British wars, while at home remaining 
a mere political nonentity. 

She had sunk so low, under French influences, and through 
her own lack of self-control, that she forgot her great an- 
cestors and her noble traditions. 

She had sunk so low that her very children were brought up 
to despise the language of the Fatherland; the children scoff- 
ing at the parents, aped foreign ways rather than support 
German originality, strength and national genius ; young men 
coming of age preferred to leave the land of their birth, 
mocked the simple German virtues, and occupied themselves 
in idle dalliance in Paris, or failing in this, set up imitations 
of French courts in the petty German monarchies. 
Thus, finally Germany became insensible, indifferent and de- 
based by stupid and selfish ideals from beyond the Vosges; 
till at last Germany became, literally, a land without a peo- 
ple, a people without a land. 



58 Blood and Iron 

% Worse still, the time came when, under these false teach- 
ings, a sense of shame no longer lived, to arouse great na- 
tional interests and to recall degenerate sons to their solemn 
duties to their Fatherland. 

Hundreds of noble Germans, at one time or another, during 
these dark years, tried in vain by voice or pen to restore na- 
tional consciousness, but failed. The problem of German 
liberty seemed incapable of solution; and as for the still 
larger problem of German unity — that became a mere dream. 

Ill 
H We glorify here and now, the genius and the manhood of 
Bismarck as the one man who had the strength of purpose 
to recall to Germans the heroic tale of a free and united 
Fatherland. 

It took him thirty years or more, through well-nigh super- 
human striving; he preached, he cursed, he vilified, he used 
the iron rod. 

He would have absolutely nothing to do with the political 
ideas from over the Vosges; he knew too well the curse of 
olden times, and his one great central emotion was to end 
that condition — as he hoped forever. 

You are to read of the battles of a giant, filled with immense 
compassion for the follies and weaknesses of his misled 
countrymen, filled, too, with fanatical zeal to punish, that 
good might come of it at last. 

Bismarck used the strong military arm, the hell fires and the 
lightnings. 

His nature scorned any further mere palliation of the weak- 
nesses of human nature. Like all supermen, Bismarck struck 
straight from the shoulder; in turn to be misunderstood, 
cursed and reviled by the very people he would serve; but 
in the end aroused German manhood to a just comprehension 
of the power and dignity of a free and united Fatherland. 

Ill 
H For upwards of 100 years before Bismarck's great hour, 
the French had been accustomed to exploit Germany. To fill 
the pocketbook, to provide soldiers for wars, or to afford op- 
portunities for buccaneering expeditions, were all the same. 



The German National Problem 59 

We do not say this to bring up any "moral" issue, but we 
make the statement merely as one uses the word dung or 
manure. 

That is to say, certain historical facts stink to heaven. 
Annexations, concessions, raids, riots at the hands of the 
French conspired to keep Germany disunited, belligerent and 
mutinous; and as the years passed Germany, to a large ex- 
tent, seduced by French ways, lost a sense of her dignity. 
France had looked to Germany to furnish allies to help fight 
Prussia, Austria or England; then England turned the trick 
against France. It is discouraging to add that even the 
great Goethe was so seduced by the glamour of Napoleon's 
genius that he wrote these strange words in praise of the 
French tyrant: 

Doubts that have baffled thousands, he has solved : 
Ideas o'er which centuries have brooded, 
His giant mind intuitively compressed. 

fl Thus, you have before you this spectacle : Germany's great- 
est poetical genius forgets the sad reality of his broken, 
dispirited and disrupted country and leaves her to her 
wretched fate; passing his time as a sentimental voluptuary 
in the splendor of the Weimar court, where he concerns him- 
self with such works as "Elective Affinities," a frank endorse- 
ment of adultery. 

fl On the other side, the noble Schiller, poet of the people, re- 
called to his fellow countrymen the faded glory of Germany. 
"Schiller stands forth," says Menzel, "as the champion of 
liberty, justice and his country." 

In a word, it took Germany 100 years to learn by suffering 
that if she is ever to regain her fallen prestige as a nation, 
she must fight her enemies at home and abroad; she must 
restore the military ideal of ancient times. And here, in a 
nutshell, is the very root of all this cry about militarism: 
The man who will not fight for what he regards as his politi- 
cal rights, remains a slave his whole life long; for it is the 
essential nature of man to exercise tyrannous power over 
human lives, whenever such practice holds out promise of 
advantage. 



60 Blood and Iron 

Therefore, Bismarck again trained Germany to be a fighting 
nation; and if an ideal of a free and united people is no jus- 
tification, then words have no meaning. 

m m m 

15 

The French peasant's son, returning from the wars 
brings his wife a diamond necklace. 

ft The cross-angles of politics, for years, lead as far as one 
cares to go, in this German family fight. Each petty state 
has its intrigues and its grievances; you become befuddled; 
it is all weariness of the flesh. 

ft However, behind all the political jargon, mighty forces are 
taking form; and little by little, certain outstanding facts 
come to view, involving every king, knight, bishop, prince 
and pauper on the German map, from the North Sea to the 
Black Sea. 

After 1789, the German was down with that new disease, 
French constitutionalism; liberty, fraternity and equality. 
No human being knew exactly what it meant. It was a 
political fever that had to be gone through with; and blood- 
letting was the only cure. 

Monarchs seemingly secure on their thrones from the days 
of old, now shivered like ghosts as the mobs marched the 
streets of Vienna and Berlin, waiving new flags and crying 
"Liberty!" 

ft The word "liberty" went to the crook-backed German peas- 
ant's brain like wine; he grew mad with the idea of an im- 
possible world, in which he could decree as he desired and 
all would bow to him, though he in return would bow to 
nobody; in short, liberty for him, but death to the others; 
and were it possible to confiscate the property of the princes 
and redistribute the loot among the peasants, so much the 
better. 

tfBefore we go into this thing, let us remember that as 
the French armies marched over Europe, the doom of kings 
had been cracking and rumbling. 

The soldiers carried everywhere the idea of French equality, 
that is to say, to the popular mind an opportunity to share 



The German National Problem 61 

the loot. Napoleon himself, reflecting on his own career and 
on the follies of the French revolution, said: "Let us now 
turn ourselves to something practical; the bombastic ideas of 
the Revolution have exhausted themselves in grotesque ef- 
forts at self-government. All the Revolution means is an 
opportunity for a man of talents to show what he can do." 
11 And the French soldiers, returning from tne wars, brought 
their wives and daughters gold rings, bracelets and diamond 
necklaces, the loot of the capitals of Europe. 
% As for Napoleon, he, of course, took the lion's share; but a 
diamond necklace to a soldier's wife is indeed a powerful 
argument on the importance of the new democratic era, in 
which peasants' sons wear gold lace and their womankind 
ride in carriages. 

Also, many of the generals of France were sons of peasants; 
and an account of Napoleon's marshals would show the 
humble origin of men of the hour, sons of soap boilers, tavern 
keepers, stable-bosses. 

IF One may imagine the result of such surprising overturn- 
ings of caste, in old-world conditions. Henceforth the peas- 
ants of all lands will naturally regard their respective kings 
as so many dogs, to be shot to death at the first splendid 
opportunity! And Germany is no exception. 
!f Forward march, ye sons of the soil, there are stormy days 
ahead for you, through your "new" ideas. 

m m m 

CHAPTER VI 

16 

Humiliations heaped upon her by France; the 
strange combination, the lash and the kiss I 

If First, let us quote from Bismarck, who looking backward 
after his amazing politico-military triumph at Koeniggraetz, 
(1866), tells a French interviewer for "Le Siecle" this root- 
fact about Germans, their weakness and their power: 
H"No government, however it may act, will be popular in 



62 Blood and Iron 

Prussia; the majority in the country will always be opposed 
to it; simply from its being the Government; — and holding 
authority over the individual, the central authority is alwayg 
doomed to be constantly opposed by the moderates, and de- 
cried and despised by the ultras. This has been the common 
fate of all successive governments since the beginning of the 
dynasty. Neither liberal ministers, nor reactionary minis- 
ters have found favor with our Prussian politicians. 
\l "Frederick William III, surnamed the Just, had succeeded 
as little as Frederick William IV in satisfying the Prussian 
nation. 

fl "They shouted themselves hoarse at the victories of Fred- 
erick the Great, but at his death they rubbed their hands at 
the thought of being delivered from the tyrant! Despite this 
antagonism, there exists a deep attachment to the royal 
house. No sovereign or minister, no government, can win 
the favor of Prussian individualism. Yet all cry from the 
depths of their hearts, 'God save the King!' And they obey 
when the King commands." 

m m n 

H With this clue from the master before us, the thing to do 
is, clearly, to reach out after this German Unity idea in a 
broad way. 

11 Napoleon's armies had marched everywhere, during all 
those victorious years, and each soldier had been a living 
exemplar of the power of National glory. 
This National spirit in his armies had helped Napoleon amaz- 
ingly, despite his genius as a soldier. The great Prussian 
patriot, Stein, one of the leading men of his time and an 
early believer in the high destiny of his country, began study- 
ing some of the more obscure but vital forces behind Na- 
poleon's career of glory. Stein finally read the secret and 
urged that as Napoleon had won by National spirit, so Na- 
poleon could in the end be defeated by a similar National 
spirit when properly opposed to him; and Napoleon with one 
terrifying black look saw that von Stein had divined the 
real force of French solidarity, a proclamation was out for 
von Stein's head, and the patriot who dreamed of his Con- 
federation of Germany, against the French, or any other for- 



The German National Problem 63 

eign foe, was obliged to make his escape to the heart of the 
Bohemian mountains. 

H 1 M 
ffFr: Wm. II (1797-1840), child of the Revolution, to his 
dying day remained untouched by the new political principles 
that had their origin beyond the Rhine. Compound of dreams 
and realities, William had led a repressed life; for one thing, 
he did not fight for his opinions; indeed his opinions were 
literary and artistic; a peculiar pietism bound him; he be- 
lieved too much in man's natural goodness; being an honest 
man himself, he did not readily suspect others. 
U This Frederick was always thinking of a Germany built on 
the traditional order, with all intervening social grades, from 
peasant to king upon his throne, each bowing and scraping 
to the other; and Frederick, as the father of his kingdom, ex- 
ercising a despotic paternalism. 

U Nor did he see that the French revolution had been fought 
and Napoleon's armies had carried afar if not the seeds of 
political equality, at least the glorious conception that "revo- 
lution means opportunity for men of talents, everywhere." 
tf The pressure on the king was found in this : that under 
duress he had promised a written constitution. 
If And behold Frederick in these troublous times ! For eleven 
long years, off and on, he tries to find a common ground of 
religious formulas for the united Lutheran and Reformed 
churches. He even attacks Rome on the question of mixed 
marriages. Of course, he failed utterly, this noble-minded 
Hohenzollern who believed too implicitly in the inherent 
goodness of mankind. 

H Repair then to your church windows and read your black- 
letter Bible, you dreaming Frederick; such is your story, in 
a few words. 

Gabble about your Gothic restorations as you will, and your 
correct revisions of the liturgy, Frederick, it remains for 
your Louise to do a man's work against French foes, and 
thus hasten the slow-coming of United Germany. 

H H H 
If In the meantime, Prussia is falling to pieces for lack of the 
mailed fist. Everything is going to rack and ruin; beloved 



64 Blood and Iron 

Prussia repeatedly humiliated by French invaders; and had 
it not been for noble Queen Louise there might well be no 
Prussian glory at this hour to record. 

fl Her lovely countenance, wreathed in smiles, is immortal- 
ized for us through the art of Joseph Grassi; and is to be 
seen in the Hohenzollern Museum. 

The artist depicts her with youthful charm, her fair brow 
adorned by her slender crown, whose weight, alas, although 
slight, gave her no rest till death. 

Her eyes are gentle, and about her face and form is the in- 
definable touch of ever-present girlishness, never to fade, 
even in the woman-grown. 

fl It were nearer the truth to say Louise personifies Prussia's 
ambition to power. 

II This beautiful woman bore indeed a heavy burden; well she 
knew the dread and fear of kings and kingly office. 
If On the one side was the tyrant Napoleon, on the other Fr : 
Wilhelm, her kingly husband, without an idea outside of 
cathedral architecture and bishoprics in Jerusalem; yet 
Louise willed that Prussia should seize the reins of power, 
shake off the French yoke, and mount the heights of glory. 

m m m 

If As a foil to the ferocious Bismarck — himself a majestic 
king-maker — here we reveal to you a true creator of National 
honor, in the form of a frail, fair woman; showing thus how 
far the pendulum of Time and Chance often rocks in bring- 
ing about political changes. 

Though poles apart, the brutal Bismarck stands side by side 
with the lovely Louise; the blood and iron of the man were 
of no avail without the finesse of the woman. 
Thus this singular cross-fertilization, compounded of smiles 
and frowns — the kiss and the lash— the white jeweled hand 
and the mailed fist in the end makes it possible for humili- 
ated Prussia to rise again — the late harvest of the years 
bringing the reality of our United Germany. 
If Bismarck's amazing story we spread before you in detail, 
but beside that frowning rock we stoop for a moment to 
pluck the modest violets clinging all unobserved in a gloomy 
place where the sun seldom comes; these flowers are Louise 



The German National Problem 65 

and their subtle perfume symbolizes the penetrating yet deli- 
cate incense of her pathetic life. 

5 Without Louise, our story were soon ended. Otherwise Bis- 
marck himself could not have come into the illustrious pages 
of history. Noble Prussian queen, heroine of Prussian glory, 
mother-consoler in the twilight, your gentle spirit hovers like 
some evening-star, luminous with hope. 

M M m 

17 

Napoleon's hated Continental system of domination 

causes Prussian downfall — The Queen decides to 

fight back. 

IT The treaty of Luneville, February, 1801, now seemed to 
lend color to Napoleon's greatest delusion of grandeur; he 
would restore the ancient domain of Charlemagne, compris- 
ing France, Germany and Italy! Signing with Prussia and 
Bavaria, Napoleon confiscated broad Papal domains along 
the Ehine, lands that had been in possession of the church 
since Roman times. With this bribe for secular princes, as 
the price of the readjustment, exactly 112 Teutonic domains, 
petty in size but all-powerful with the prestige of centuries, 
vanished from the map. The holy Electors of Treves and 
Cologne, those empire-makers of ancient days, were stripped 
of their worldly possessions, and expelled from the Papal 
lands. 

If There were even rumors of a French-supported Emperor of 
Prussia — think of that! 

Francis of Austria, for reasons of policy, gave up the high- 
swelling title, "Holy Eoman Emperor," and more modestly 
contented himself with "Emperor of Austria." 
fl And now, when Napoleon's delusion — Charlemagne — 
seemed on the very point of realization, there came the third 
Coalition against him; Prussia joined against France; but 
Napoleon soon gained the most noted of his victories, Auster- 
litz; 15,000 prisoners, 12,000 dead on the field, represented 
Austria's loss alone, but this was not all. 
The victorious French pressed on to Vienna. By the treaty 
of Pressburg, Austria was excluded from Germany; Wuer- 



66 Blood and Iron 

temberg, Bavaria and the Rhinelands went over to the 
French, Napoleon setting himself up as Protector of the 
Rhine country, with his representative President Karl von 
Dalberg, former archbishop of Mainz. 

n m m 

ff Louise was high-spirited, impulsive, courageous, imagina- 
tive — the very foil of her slow-going Frederick, with his 
church restorations forevermore. The Queen, always for 
an aggressive policy, by her sympathy encouraged the Prus- 
sian war party; patriots, restive under the indecision of 
Frederick, were eager to shake off French domination. The 
appeal was to Militarism, but what would you? The Hun 
was not only "at the gate," but was inside the walls; and if 
a man will not fight for his fireside, then he must remain a 
slave. It was a virtuous cause. 

If The cabal at the Prussian court, secretly in opposition to 
the easy-going King, was aided by Louise. There were the 
King's brothers, the ambitious Hardenburg, the King's cousin, 
Ferdinand, the gifted Rahel Levin — and many others. 
These plots within the palace gave to Louise's life strange 
political aspects, 
fl The Queen desired to strike. 

IT By 1805 Austria, Russia and Great Britain were united, 
but Russia still wavered. 

U Louise's secret influence became a watchword for Prussian 
patriots, who despised French rule. 

8 11 
H After Austerlitz, Napoleon read Prussia his ultimatum: 
Shall it be war or peace? Peace and Hanover, or war with 
me? 

ff A treaty was drawn giving to Napoleon control over Prus- 
sia; and this document Fr: William weakly signed. After 
that Napoleon simply ignored Prussia; made it so hot for 
Prussian ministers that they resigned when Paris frowned, 
or danced when Paris smiled. Napoleon set up his new 
Rhein Confederation without consulting Prussia; and Prus- 
sian patriots felt themselves mortified beyond endurance. 
H Young men in Berlin, by way of protest, made a demon- 
stration. Going to the doorsteps of the French minister, 



The German National Problem 6j 

they there sharpened their swords! Napoleon was furious; 
he sought out the bookseller circulating an anti-French 
pamphlet, "The Deepest Humiliation of Prussia," lured him 
across the frontier, and had him assassinated. 
fl The Prussian patriotic party, begun as a court cabal se- 
cretly headed by Louise, decided on war. 
TF The troops were drilled night and day in preparation for 
the great war of liberation. Never before had a downtrod- 
den nation worked harder to win liberty through liberation 
from the French yoke. However, the immediate results were 
to be disastrous. 

ff The Queen's dragoons went to the front; the Queen rode 
near by in her carriage; she wore a smart military coat, 
colors of her crack regiment; and General Kalkreuth, in a 
burst of enthusiasm, vowed that the Queen could herself 
win the war should she remain with the troops. 
ffYes, Louise was actually going out to fight Napoleon's 
veterans, Napoleon's famous marshals, Berthier, Murat and 
the others; and even the great Napoleon himself. 
The decisive struggle took place at Jena, October 16, 1806; 
Prussian forces were annihilated. 

fl Napoleon came on to Berlin and housed himself in the 
Prussian palace. From here he now issued bulletins de- 
nouncing Louise as the cause of the war; he attacked her 
character, accusing; her of a liaison with the handsome Alex- 
ander of Russia, and of still other intrigues with high army 
officers; he presented her as a compound of shameless camp- 
follower and dangerous woman, plotting against her own 
husband, thus bringing ruin to her native land. 
Napoleon even had Louise's apartments broken into and the 
Queen's papers seized, to see if incriminating evidence could 
not be uncovered. Ah, he knew all the tricks of love as well 
as of war! 

® m m 

II But Napoleon went too far. His cruel persecution caused 
Prussians to sympathize with their Queen, instead of revil- 
ing her. 



68 Blood and Iron 



18 



Years before the great question is settled Prussia 
indeed becomes Germany — in moody thoughtful- 
ness — in stubborn determination — in unflinching 
courage. 

IF Louise now reveals herself a glorious National heroine. In 
spite of her animosity toward Napoleon for his atrocious 
slanders, the Queen decided to arrange an interview with 
the conqueror and beg favorable terms for her beloved 
Prussia. 

H The meeting took place July 6, 1807. Napoleon sent his 
coach, drawn by six white horses, to bring the Queen to 
the miller's house, where the interview was staged in an 
upper room. Louise had on her finest court robe, white crepe 
embroidered with silver, and wore her famous crown of 
pearls; her loveliness and her woman's wit were to be used 
in behalf of prostrate Prussia. 

H Napoleon rode up in great style, surrounded by his bril- 
liant staff — Berthier, Murat and the others. Louise awaited 
him at the head of the rickety stairs. As he went up in the 
semi-darkness, he stumbled and fell. 

The Queen apologized that she was forced to meet the Em- 
peror in so mean a place; but he immediately replied that 
to see so lovely a woman was well worth a few minor ob- 
stacles. 

1T Louise now began pleading with Napoleon for leniency 
toward Prussia. What an interview that was! 
How eloquently she set forth her people's sufferings in the 
great French wars; she pictured the sorrows of Prussia so 
vividly that at last Napoleon became mightily interested. 
Finally he said: 

IF "Ah, your Majesty asks very much indeed, but I am dream- 
ing!" By this he meant, "I do not hear a word you say; I 
am looking at your beautiful eyes." 

IF The clever Louise saw that she was progressing with her 
arguments, and undoubtedly had the Emperor under the 
spell of her fatal beauty; to oblige a grand lady in distress, 



The German National Problem 69 

he would be willing to concede much indeed, in his famous 
role of lady-killer and protector of feminine loveliness. 
But at that precise moment, who should enter the room but 
Fr: Wilhelm himself, the Queen's blundering husband! 
IF Always in the way — mentally clumsy — he spoiled every- 
thing! The interview ended abruptly. 

fl Louise, heartbroken, retired in utter despair. She had be- 
lieved that the justice of her cause, her eloquence, her loyalty 
to her people would go far to soften Napoleon's wrath, but 
in all this she was cruelly disappointed. Next day the French 
tyrant announced his terms: Indemnity of 154,000,000 marks; 
one-third cash; one-third payable in lands; the final third 
"on time," in the interim he would garrison in five fortified 
towns 30,000 French troops and 10,000 French cavalry, 
whose support was at the expense of Prussia, till the debt 
was paid. 

ff This great Queen, after life's fever, sleeps enshrined in 
her snowy marble tomb at Charlottenburg. 
One day you will stand with uncovered head beside her royal 
grave, and recall her noble life. She deserves well of her 
country! 

Ill .-- -, 

IT But mark this well : out of Prussia's humiliations^came 
her ultimate strength; the vanquished, as is often the story 
of human life, was strengthened more than the victors'. 
Prussia, chastened by her severe lessons, henceforth pro- 
ceeded to build herself up slowly till at last she was ready, 
many, many years later, to strike for German Unity that 
final blow at the palace of the French kings at Versailles. 
H In the wearisome stretch of time till that distant day of 
German glory, Prussia henceforth becomes Germany — in 
spirit — in moody thoughtfulness — in stubborn determination 
— yes, under God, by blood and iron! There float before us 
many noble names, poets, prophets, soldiers who aid in 
stimulating "German national faith" — Fichte, Arndt, Kleist, 
Roon, Moltke, Scharnhorst, Humboldt — and in the historical 
twilight big with mutterings and rumblings of the New 
Time to come with all its glory, taking the place of the 



yo Blood and Iron 

Prussian ruin between 1806 and 1813, is Queen Louise, her 
gentle spirit a veritable evening-star, luminous with hope. 

is n SI 
HBy 1813, Fr: William III had been induced by the pressure 
of public opinion to join Russia to fight off the French. May 
17, 1813, William's famous decree, "To My People!" called 
for help to expel invaders, thereby to recover Prussian inde- 
pendence; and Napoleon was totally defeated in the tremen- 
dous battle of Leipzig, October 16-19, or "Battle of the Na- 
tions," as the Germans call Prussia's return to power and 
glory. 

11 It was this patriotic appeal "To My People," that made 
William's troubles; the Prussian Liberals felt that the Gov- 
ernment owed the people a Liberal political Constitution, in 
return for Leipzig. 

HHis Majesty grabbed on it, twice, and was at his wit's end 
to know how to keep his crown and his declaration of friend- 
ship for the people. 

In the meantime, twenty-three minor German states having 
adopted constitutions, more or less liberal, the growing de- 
mands of the common people for a share in Prussian gov- 
ernment could be no longer denied. 

Ill 

19 

Kingcraft comes upon evil days — in the rising tide 

of liberal ideas, monarchies of old are all but swept 

away. 

fl When the Napoleonic dynasty collapsed, after Waterloo, 

there were 39 petty principalities in the German-speaking 

area grouped about Rhein, the Main, Neckar, Elbe; these 

knights' holdings, ecclesiastical strongholds, and domains of 

various descriptions became merged by cross-fighting 

throughout the Napoleonic era. 

ffThe Congress of Vienna (1815) deeming it advisable to 
set up a loose confederacy of the multitude of petty powers, 
founded a German Confederation, but whether it was geo- 
graphical, racial or political no human being could say. 



The German National Problem 71 

The local German princes kept full sovereign powers, but 
gradually, as a matter of expediency, the various states 
grouped themselves around Prussia and Austria. As for the 
Nation, there was no German sovereign, no supreme court, 
no commercial or political relationship worthy of the name. 
Instead, on every hand was intense local hatred, aloofness 
and suspicion. This condition continued for very many years. 
% The plain fact was that the various princes did not want 
German National unity; for the reason that it is not human 
nature for men to give up an advantage for an uncertainty. 
Also, at this time, neither Prussia nor Austria was strong 
enough to impose her hegemony upon Germany. Austria's 
policy was for delay; and in Prussia the general belief ex- 
isted for many years that Austrian domination was really 
essential to put down the rising spirit of Democracy. 
II The authority of the Congress set up a Bond of Confedera- 
tion, ruled by a Diet or Bundestag, sitting at Frankfort-on- 
the-Main. 

T[ In the hurly-burly, certain centres, such as Saxony, Bava- 
ria and Wuertemberg, were raised in rank from duchies to 
kingdoms, while still others, such as Westphalia, Grand 
Duchy of Warsaw, were dissolved. The free cities were re- 
duced to four; caste declined in political importance. The 
Confederation of the Rhine was set aside. 
Thus the close of the Napoleonic period found German terri- 
tory without political unity. 

Ill 
H The last stand of kingly ultra-conservatism is the one 
great political feature of Europe, from the downfall of Na- 
poleon, 1815, to the popular outbreaks of 1848. During this 
dark period the cause of constitutional liberty in Prussia 
made little progress. Old forms as well as new were under 
suspicion. On the one side were ultra-conservative concep- 
tions of Divine-right, upheld by Metternich, and on the 
other side was the idea that sovereignty came not from 
heaven but from earth, making the will of the people the 
voice of God. 
TI Prussia and Austria, as the representatives of Divine-right, 



J2 Blood and Iron 

closely watched these revolutionary tendencies, suppressed 
uprisings, muzzled the press, in an attempt to check the 
surging tide of liberalism. 

However much the kings had feared the wars of Napoleon, 
kingcraft was now confronted by an enemy more deadly. 
The babble of the bondsmen about to break their chains 
portended far greater disaster to dynasties than ever did bul- 
lets on the battlefield of Waterloo. 

w m m 

ft With might and main, the monarchs, resisting the demands 
of the people for constitutional government, stamped out 
everything that looked like the first signs of National senti- 
ment. 

ft Nor was Germany alone in this reactionary attitude. The 
kingly side of all Europe stood shoulder to shoulder against 
new political experiments. 

In Italy, Greece, Spain, sovereigns applied the lash the 
harder, in an endeavor to suppress this new evil against 
kingcraft; nevertheless, among the common people there con- 
tinued to grow consciousness of political rights, 
ft "Napoleon in many of the lands he conquered," says Ffyfe, 
"set up many revolutionary ideas that sounded the death 
knell of the Feudal system. It was part of his administra- 
tive genius to take the lands from barons and their class, 
and turn them over to peasants; it happened in France with 
the lands of the ecclesiastical barons of the church; it hap- 
pened in North Germany, in 1810, when the decree of admin- 
istrative following the annexation of the North German 
Coast swept away with a few strokes of the pen, thirty-six 
forms of Feudal privileges." 

ft And these could never be restored, even after the Congress 
of Vienna spent seven or eight months, after Waterloo, divid- 
ing the loot among the old royal houses. 

ft The system of monarchical Absolutism maintained itself in 
one way or another for years, but the old-line conception of 
the political legitimacy of despotic rulers had been rudely 
shattered, 
ft In spite of a brave show of gold cloth, diamonds, laces, 



The German National Problem 73 

jewels, swords, silk stockings, lackeys, grooms, guards and 
crowns, kingcraft was now placed on the defensive. The 
cry of the people, "Liberty!" filled many a market-place. 
11 Forces of democracy were working everywhere, ill-directed 
to be sure, but never despairing of ultimate victory over 
kingcraft, which indeed had now come upon evil days. It is 
an undeniable fact that Bonaparte had purged the political 
ideas of French Revolution of many excesses, and had turned 
to practical account certain forms of liberty, for example, 
ridding captured lands, as Ffyfe tells us, of offensive special 
privileges, on part of irresponsible rulers of petty degree; 
but the danger was found in this: that a mere "desire" for 
political expediency, however surrounded by the halo of 
popular rights, avails nothing unless ultimately sustained 
by strong central authority; and it requires no profound 
knowledge of men's way to know that at no time in the his- 
tory of the world has collective rulership been other than a 
theory. The excesses of the French Revolution were not 
readily overlooked by the conservative elements in Germany. 



20 
German hope of National Union gleams like a star. 

IT There gradually grew throughout Germany a spirit of in- 
tense longing for country, and many a noble spirit had in 
a vision seen from afar the common Fatherland. Especially 
in the universities, the feeling was strong. 
The German universities were hotbeds of political excite- 
ment. For many years after Napoleon's downfall all man- 
ner of theories of government were strenuously debated, 
to the accompaniment of duels, beer-drinking, private feuds, 
and popular agitation, often ending in blood. The Burschen- 
schaft, as the student brothers were called, finally formed 
themselves into a league comprising sixty schools; and held 
a famous meeting at Wartburg, 1817. 

ff The patriots took Holy Communion, made impassioned 
speeches, built bonfires and cast into the flames hated books 
supporting Metternich's system of kingcraft. Also the pa- 



74 Blood and Iron 

triots consigned to the fire an illiberal pamphlet by King 
Fr: Wilhelm III of Prussia. 

11 Metternich became alarmed. Kotzebue, hated as a spy of 
Russia in Germany, was stabbed to the heart by Karl Sand. 
This gave to Metternich the desired opportunity, and he 
proceeded forthwith to impress on Fr: Wilhelm and the Czar 
the absurdity of toying longer with "Democratic ideas and 
paper constitutions." 

Then and there the Biblical phrases of democrat-mongering 
kings, under the Holy Alliance, ceased in the high courts 
of Russia and Prussia. Metternich got hold of Fr: Wilhelm, 
also the other political tools of the Frankfort Diet, and at 
Carlsbad decrees were issued sounding the doom of Liberal- 
ism and the return to power of the old-line kings. 
By gag-law and intimidation Metternich rushed the decrees 
through the Diet; — and for a generation "Carlsbad" signi- 
fied the suppression of Democratic sentiments throughout 
Germany. 

H Metternich fought free speech, free parliaments and a 
free press. His iron laws were aimed to stifle democratic 
mutterings. Austrian spies were everywhere, searching out 
revolutionary societies. 

IT The hope that Prussia might be the leader in the new 
German spirit of nationality now vanished. William III 
definitely withdrew his promise of a written Constitution, 
made in 1813, and reiterated in 1815. 

Persecutions continued north and south; Prussia hounded 
Jahn for five long years, this Jahn whose gymnastic soci- 
eties had been so helpful in hardening young men to Prus- 
sian army services; and the poet Arndt, whose impassioned 
verse intensified the National spirit of Germany, was shame- 
fully treated, his papers scattered and the man driven from 
his university. 

H For many a long year the gloomy spirit of "Carlsbad" de- 
crees hung over Germany. 

§ i 1 
IT However, the Germans have an intensely practical side as 
well as a dreamy poetical side. It is not surprising, there- 



The German National Problem 75 

fore, that the earliest steps in the direction of German unity 
(1818) came through Prussian customs house reforms under 
the patriot, Maassen. 

IF There had been, as we explained heretofore, no freedom of 
trade throughout Germany; each of the petty thirty-nine 
states was surrounded by Chinese walls; for example, to 
send goods from Hamburg to Vienna, the shipper had to pay 
ten separate tolls. 

If Under the old Prussian system there were in vogue at one 
and the same time no less than sixty-seven conflicting tariff 
systems. All this tax oppression meant a harvest for smug- 
glers. But Maassen, at a stroke, established a common tariff 
in Prussia; made the tax so low that smuggling became un- 
profitable. The other states protested vehemently at first, 
but one by one entered this new customs union. 
U And we may understand now certain sarcastic remarks 
sometimes made about Germany by her historical enemies: 
"Paper, cheese, sauerkraut, ham, and matches, served to 
unite German hearts more than political ties!" 
11 This slur is ill-deserved; at best, it simply means that the 
advantages of the "Zollverein" were economic as well as 
political; and, in later years, the necessity for a common 
system of doing business played a deservedly important part 
in helping along Bismarck's plans. 

IF The customs league, called the "Zollverein," is generally 
held to be the very beginning of practical unity for Germany. 

B. B I 
f[ On the poetical side of German character, earliest appeals 
for the Fatherland — one and united! — were expressed down 
through the years; long indeed before actual political union 
was possible, Germany's bards, in their impassioned, semi- 
religious songs awakened in German hearts the spirit of in- 
tense longing for the common Fatherland, based on blood- 
brotherhood and language. 

fl One of the famous types of this patriot-poet was Arndt, 
son of an emancipated slave. Arndt was a noble democrat; 
his history of slavery in Pomerania inspired Adolphus to 
abolish that evil, 1806; the Prussian aristocrats held Arndt a 
life-long grudge. 



y6 Blood and Iron 

"Spirit of the Times," his patriotic trumpet-call aroused 
Prussians to fight France. Napoleon tracked the lyric poet 
out; Arndt fled to Sweden; but continued to write for the 
cause. He returned to Germany., 1809. 

£"Was ist des Deutschen Vaterland?" remains one of the 
great semi-religious songs of nations. Arndt asks what 
comprises the Fatherland? Surely not Prussia, not Swabia, 
nor this nor that, but all side by side comprise the German 
brotherhood of race and language. 

Where is the German Fatherland? 

Is't Swabia? Is't Prussia's land? 

Is't where the grape glows on the Rhine, 

Where sea-gulls skim the Baltic's brine? 

Oh, no! more great, more grand 

Must be the German Fatherland! 

1f Here is a spirited verse from "The God That Lets the Iron 
Grow": 

The God who made earth's iron hoard 

Scorned to create a slave 

Hence, unto man the spear and sword 

In his right hand he gave! 

Hence him with courage he imbued 

Lent wrath to Freedom's voice — 

That death or victory in the feud 

Might be his only choice! 

ft "Der Gott, der Eisen wachsen liess," "Was blasen die 

Trompeten," were on all patriotic lips; at this, William III, 

mightily offended, had Arndt arrested and sent him into 

retirement for twenty years. 

U The old man lived to become a great National hero. He 

died January 29, 1860, aged 91. It is pleasant to record that 

on his ninetieth birthday Germany united in good wishes 

for their national poet of the dark hours. 

The people built him a monument at the place of his birth, 

Schoritz, and another at Bonn, where for many years he 

had been professor of history. 



The German National Problem jj 

21 

It is not time, O William, to go to church but to 
go to war; yet you and your son keep on reading 
your Gothic Bible. 

U Now comes the year 1840 ; William III goes to the tomb 
of his ancestors, and is succeeded by Fr: William IV, with 
whom began anew the long battle between the principle of 
Divine-right of kings and political democracy exercised by 
the masses. William IV, intensely addicted to Divine-right 
theories of government, was in the course of a turbulent reign 
forced to face great political agitators. However, the King 
had behind his throne, always, that conservative class (found 
in every country) that clings tenaciously to the past and 
dreads the future. The watchword of all William's enemies 
was "Liberty!" The cry, visionary as it was, served as a 
rallying point for those who favored some form of French 
constitutionalism; and while, as a whole, the so-called friends 
of Liberty were very impracticable, had no definite plan for 
relief, we find among the political agitators foremost in their 
discontent many of the brightest minds in Germany, college 
graduates, professional men, the clergy, and solid middle 
class merchants. All were zealous for immediate political 
reforms. 

gum 

ff Consider the position of our Fr: William IV. He was a 
peculiar man, to begin with — and an irresolute man, to end 
with. He was not built for times of war. Yet he had to face 
cannon ! 

Early in life, in impressionable years, through a court blun- 
der, young William had had a tutor, Delbrueck, who poisoned 
his charge's mind against the Prussian military and bureau- 
cratic system. 

The attitude of Delbrueck was certainly heresy as vile as 
though your own child's nurse should bring your boy up to 
fear and despise his own father. Surely, you would not like 
that? 

fl Delbrueck was quickly given the sack; and it was well that 
he got off without a broken head! 



78 Blood and Iron 

He was succeeded by a preacher, Ancillon, of renown in 
church affairs. This Ancillon started young William off on 
another track; antiques, church history, Bible study, archi- 
tecture, the brotherhood of man, and the fatherhood of God. 
ft Then William studied art under Rausen, and under Schin- 
kel; and also the future king became absorbed in landscape 
gardening and in architecture. 

fl William was presumed to be "liberal" in his views, that is 
to say, he was, in a sense, supposed to be a "democrat." 
fl Of course, the Radicals at this hour knew nothing of Bis- 
marck, who was to be the power behind the throne. They 
saw instead only a weak king; and history tells over and 
over again, down through time, what becomes of weak kings 
when the people are throwing up barricades in the streets 
and are tossing up their caps and crying "Liberty!" 

US® 
IF Under his royal nose the Liberals kept sticking his father's 
pledge of the glorious year, 1813. How about that long- 
promised Constitution, your Majesty? Thousands of deluded 
Prussians now believed that they could accurately define 
the peculiar word "Liberty!" It looked as though the people 
were bent on casting out a king. As yet there were in Prus- 
sia no organized party lines; the general situation was 
summed up in the growing hopes that the common people 
placed in French constitutionalism — wherever that might 
lead. 
Tf At any rate, the old regime must go. 



22 

Bad business, this promising a written Constitution 
— The deluge breaks. 

fl The Prussian nobility, always bound to the King by feel- 
ings of ardent loyalty, formed a military caste; the peasan- 
try was industrious, thrifty and hard-working; the State offi- 
cials were devoted to a spirit of discipline at once thorough 
and pedantic; the Prussian school-system was first in square- 
headed masters, who ruled with rods of iron. Thus, the Prus- 



The German National Problem 79 

sian National ideal was based on Discipline military in its 
severity, self-sacrifice and energy. "Throughout Prussia was 
a spirit of affirmation, expressive of the vigorous National 
egotism. As time passed, the machine men of olden Prussia 
were gradually replaced by free-willed, self-conscious citi- 
zens taking an enlightened interest in their country; the old- 
time tutelage headed by the monarchs underwent a trans- 
formation; and the trend was toward enlightened self-gov- 
ernment; but many years were to pass before this ideal was 
reached." 

H William did indeed cherish, in a way, an idea of German 
Unity, and in this respect he was a democrat or a radical, 
whatever you wish to term him. Here, we must make one 
fact plain. It will make you smile at William's simplicity, 
will show you how utterly he was out of touch with the 
tendencies of the times; how good-natured he was; how hon- 
est he was. He believed that German Unity, if ever it came, 
should historically be an extension of the old Holy Roman 
Empire, through the illustrious House of Hapsburg! 
Which is equivalent to saying that your own family should 
advance by humbling itself before your own greatest rival; 
that you should bow to your political enemy and submit to 
being effaced, to heighten your rival's glory. 
Strauss calls William "A romanticist on the throne of the 
Caesars!" This Fr: William IV wished to be an absolute 
monarch, after the traditional Hohenzollern style, yet he had 
so few soldierly instincts that the army hated him. 
Tf This political attitude with William was not a form of ro- 
mantic idealism bordering on lunacy; it was instead a token 
of his blundering stupidity; also in a sense his four-square 
frankness in owning that Prussia was playing second fiddle 
to Austria, at this interesting moment. And, in truth, all that 
William thought was logical; the stream was tending that 
way; few denied it, except politicians interested in advanc- 
ing their own fortunes by setting Austria back in the great 
game of grab. However, William, instead of loading cannon 
and turning them on the Radicals, now swarming around his 
palace, was much pleased to send a bishop to Jerusalem. 
fl Nicholas of Russia warned William to beware of demo- 



80 Blood and Iron 

crats, and to stand up for Divine-right of kings, but what 
is the use of advising a coward to be a hero, a fool to be a 
wise man ? In the end, a man must go through life with the 
sort of head he has — round, square, flat, or mushy — is it not 
true? You are no exception, yourself; and our church-build- 
ing William, in turn, was true to his own aesthetic nature, 
regardless of bayonets poked under his nose. 
If Bad business this promising the people a written Consti- 
tution; ominous for the breed of kings; a situation, in short, 
not unlike that forced on the Grand Monarch at an earlier 
day, that is to say, no money without the States' General, 
ft After 1840, Liberal opinions were directed against the 
King, personally, charging him with political reactionary ten- 
dencies. The course of popular liberty was taken by noted 
men, among them Arnold Ruge, Karl Marx, Feuerbach, 
Strauss, Bauer, Fallersleben, Dingelstedt, Meissner, Beck, 
Kinkel, and others. Also, when Ischech attempted to as- 
sassinate William IV, the dastardly act found supporters who 
gloried in the "patriot's" effort to rid the country of a 
"tyrant," even through cold-blooded murder. 
fl Also, the very memory of the frightful excesses of the 
French Revolution still shocked the conservative political ele- 
ment of Europe. The land-owning classes of Prussia, backed 
by the Prussian army, stood shoulder to shoulder for their 
old titles. The new call of political liberalism was, therefore, 
in the view of Prussian conservatives, to be put down at all 
hazards. The position was, of course, largely selfish, but it 
was very human. 

11 m m 

11 Matters came to a crisis in '47; King William IV needed 
money for a little railroad project in East Prussia. In his 
dilemma, he called his Baby Parliament, or Diet, April 11, 
1847, and "deigned" to permit therein the right of petition; 
there were in truth no privileges of political significance, no 
real powers; it was a side-show, so far as the "people" were 
concerned — and for eleven weeks volleys of oratory crackled 
and thundered. 



The German National Problem 81 

II Here, we meet Bismarck face to face; and you should now 
be prepared, from what you have read, to understand the gi- 
gantic problem Bismarck was called upon to face — single- 
handed ! 

If Furthermore, Bismarck's attitude was not, as has often 
been recorded, a case of "might is right." The French Kevo- 
lution had proven conclusively that there can be no political 
"right" without a political "might." We should not forget 
this fact throughout the Bismarck story of Prussia's rise 
to power. 



BOOK THE THIRD 
Bismarck Supports His King 

CHAPTER VII 

acting 3\xt Witt? m™ 

23 

The voice in the Wilderness proclaims the God- given 
glory of Kings, vicegerents of Christ on this earth. 

T} The French Revolution brought to Paris adventurers and 
patriots from every part of Europe. Among these was a 
young Corsican who, with his mother and sisters, had been 
driven out of his native island. This man, Napoleon Bona- 
parte, was in the course of a few years to become Emperor 
of France and Master of Europe. 

U There is a classical picture of young Napoleon, at the time 
of the early riots in Paris. 

Standing on a curbstone, to one side, he watches the pass- 
ing of liberty-crazed mobs, armed with pikes — the self-same 
common people on whose shoulders Napoleon himself was 
later to ride into amazing power. 

II Thus, likewise, in another time of political crisis, (1847-48) 
men were flocking to Berlin to debate anew the well-worn 
theme, "The Rights of Man." 

Quietly looking on was another man of destiny, Otto von 
Bismarck, burly dyke-captain of the Elbe, up to that time 
a farmer on his ancestral estates in Pomerania. What this 
young blond giant saw before him was somewhat of this 
extraordinary order: 

U The universal theme was once more "Liberty," and the din 
not only in Berlin but throughout German states, was ear- 
splitting. Of course, there were patriots who stood on broad 
National grounds, but the purely personal point of view was 
still very much in evidence. 

(83) 



84 Blood and Iron 

Every man had his say, often accompanied by brandishing 
of fists or the laying on of canes; all dignified by the name 
"patriotism," but in truth it exhibited the old struggle of 
human nature for supremacy. 

The masses were fighting to unseat kings, whose dogma of 
"Divine-right" had by the French Revolution been shown to 
be only insidious political quackery, in the past sustained 
largely by the sword. The common people were wrestling 
to grasp this monarchic sword away, and here and there 
had already seized the hilt or the blade — it mattered not 
which! — and the dynasties of Hohenzollern, Hapsburg, Wit- 
telsbach, and all the lesser swarm, were suddenly put on the 
defensive. Hotly pursued sovereigns kept their heads only 
by some concession to popular fury; again, by flight. The 
people were intoxicated with the wine of their newly found 
power! 

If And what would they do with their new bauble, liberty, 
fraternity and equality? The centre of the stage was occu- 
pied by a struggling mass of kings, fighting not only for 
their crowns but for the very clothes on their backs! There 
were poets in fine frenzy declaiming; grenadiers firing 
muzzle-loaders; priests invoking the wrath of God; kings 
shouting out that they were the only accredited earthly 
representatives of Heaven; historians hotly insisting that all 
were in error, and that the scroll showed this or that; law- 
givers pleading for the old forms; lunatics laughing in de- 
moniacal glee; peasants armed with pitchforks jabbing right 
and left; demagogues calling on Heaven to witness their lofty 
and disinterested leadership; while around the edges of the 
scene mountebanks, camp-followers, renegades, whores and 
political blacklegs, were waiting for their share of the 
plunder, let victory fall where it may. 

fi What a magnificent scramble for place, pelf and power! It 
were blasphemy to call this riot the desire for progress for 
the masses. It were equal blasphemy to call it stupidity and 
reaction, on the part of the contending monarchs, as against 
crushing with iron heel the hopes of the people for political 
and intellectual life. Either one of these diagonally opposed 



Bismarck Supports His King 85 

interpretations of the time is too extreme. The truth is in 
neither view. As a matter of fact, behind the seething mass 
of human forms was the age-old motive of human selfish- 
ness; and while here and there some lofty soul may have 
glimpsed in his fervid imagination a United Germany, based 
on a "German national faith," in which the rights of each 
citizen should be no more or no less than the rights of all 
others, with each man working for all men and all men for 
each man, this poetical idea was only another evidence of 
how the noblest minds place the illusion and the dream be- 
fore the appalling fact of human selfishness in the universal 
struggle for personal aggrandizement. 

fl The merging of the various German states, or the trans- 
ference of land from one German monarch to another, in the 
ensuing political struggle for power, is, after all, as nothing 
compared with the change in ideas, now close at hand; what 
may be called the "mind" of Germany was about to undergo 
a veritable French Revolution! However, it was not to be 
a French Revolution in the sense of mob-rule. We shall 
make this clear as we come more especially to tell you, in 
details, of a certain political millennium which Bismarck 
scorned, although courageously pressed upon him by leaders 
of the party of the people. 

fl On the whole, however, the drift of events was toward 
"German national faith," bringing in turn some form of 
representative government, as against the doctrine of Divine- 
right of kings. The monarchs were placed more and more 
on the defensive; it was to be their last stand, not only for 
their crowns but for their very lives! 

HUH 

If And now face to face with the gigantic problem of a 
United Germany, again we study our last hope of kings — 
our Prussian Strafford von Bismarck. In some respects he 
is the historical foil of Strafford of Charles I, whose money- 
needs compelled the calling of the Long Parliament; and the 
help Strafford had given to the king in ruling without a par- 
liament had mortally offended the Commons; Strafford was 



86 Blood and Iron 

declared guilty of high treason — and despite Charles' efforts, 
Strafford went to the block! 

tf Will Bismarck come to a similar end on the scaffold of the 
Prussian liberals? 

ii ® m 

U We see before us a giant in form and in mental strength; 
a monster of will-power, with the iron ambition to compel 
men to do his individual bidding; a political superman. 
jj He had spent his time more with cattle, horses and dogs 
than he had with men. 

If His spirit was high, untrammelled, rebellious. He ironically 
despised the common people; the burden-bearers in all forms 
of government were in this giant's opinion not good enough 
to sit beside kings. 

1| Morose, obstinate, self-opinionated, with an enormous ca- 
pacity for liquor, Bismarck was an intellectual as well as 
physical glutton. 

If Most of all, this strange man, half -beast, half -seer, was to 
turn out to be the very voice of the old decaying kingcraft. 
He had an immovable belief in the Feudal right of royalty 
to rule over its subjects as it pleased; and by his amazing 
power of intrigue supported by supreme abilities exercised 
during the ensuing thirty years, Bismarck at last rose to a 
height that overshadowed the monarchs whom he served — 
and ruled! 

We wish to emphasize, again, that Bismarck's conception of 
kingcraft was no mere despotic thing. To him, a king was 
truly a man of great practical as well as moral responsibili- 
ties, akin to father, hence should be obeyed. 

Ill 

24 

Our young blond giant appears at Third Estates' As- 
sembly — The King's predicament — Bismarck's op- 
portunity. 

1} Behold Otto Edward Leopold von Bismarck, the country 
squire, straight from his cow-sheds and his hunting dogs; 
a young blond German giant, 32 years old, in the very prime 



Bismarck Supports His King 87 

of his massive strength and endurance; plentiful hair cropped 
short, ruddy face, blond beard, bright blue eyes, big fists; 
high, shrill voice, strangely out of keeping with his physical 
bulk. For years afterward, this peculiar voice became the 
stock in trade of newspaper writers. However, it was what 
the giant said! 

U Bismarck wore a broad-brimmed slouch hat, military boots 
and his dykeman's overcoat. This rough, yellow-colored gar- 
ment, for which he afterwards became famous, was long, 
baggy and loose. He used to wear it when floods were high 
along the River Elbe. In Berlin, at the time were only three 
notables who wore these yellow overcoats: the first, Bismarck; 
the second, the immortal Baron von Herteford, the last of his 
race, hereditary grand huntsman at Cleve, and the third was 
worn by Geo. Hesekiel, the German historian. 
fl Bismarck, who was now to receive his first experience in 
handling men in political alignments, had inherited a country 
estate from the old family domains and was living the life 
of a squire; hunting foxes, with dogs and gay companions, 
passing nights in taverns, drinking heavily, eating like a 
glutton, amusing himself as he pleased; a giant in intellect 
and in stomach; turbulent, tempestuous, rough, a bad man 
to cross, believe me, but among his cronies voted a prince 
of good fellows. Such is our German hero as he comes upon 
the great stage of affairs. 

fl When this burly Bismarck made his first entrance at the 
Diet, or Assembly of the Three Estates, held in the "White 
Saloon" of the Royal Palace at Coelin on the Spree, our fu- 
ture empire-maker and throne-overturner knew by practical 
experience absolutely nothing about the diagonal of political 
cross-purposes. 

However, he was now taking up his great life-study, enter- 
ing all unknowingly upon a magnificent career leading in 
after years to his fair renown as Father of the German 

Empire. 

Ill 

If He had, as we have seen, thus far passed the time as a 
practical farmer; hale fellow well met, with upper-class 
leanings. 



88 Blood and Iron 

After taking his doctor's degree at Goettingen, he had made 
a few journeys, one to Italy, another to the island of Heligo- 
land, on a shooting trip; had crossed the English Channel, 
and had brought back with him a smattering of Shakespeare, 
which he afterwards improved by considerable study; and 
by the way throughout the crises in his career, Bismarck 
often found refuge in apt Shakespearian quotations. 
Then he had done a little governmental clerical work in the 
lower courts of his country, but his peculiar ideas of inde- 
pendence and his abruptness in speaking his mind unfitted 
him for this work. Glad to be rid of his job, he returned to 
the country. He knew nothing of administrative or execu- 
tive life, and aside from the fact that he was a student of 
history, with a penchant for making historical parallels, tnere 
was nothing to show the bent of his powerful mind. 
If Yet, there is a great man before us! And since it is not 
based on his training, then it must come inherently from 
his natural endowment. 

His master-mind was to unseat and seat princes, kings and 
emperors, in the fullness of time, rearranging the map of 
Germany to suit himself; engaging in three wars of ambi- 
tion, signally victorious in each; and winning for himself 
imperishable fame during his active career of forty years. 

iii 

fl By a singular turn, Bismarck knew or cared so little for 
politics, at this time, that his very entry into the "White 
Saloon," in which the Liberals decided to settle with this 
stubborn King Fr: Wm. IV, was wholly by accident. 
The Saxon Provincial Diet at Meresburg had chosen Dyke 
Captain von Brauchitsch of Scharteuke, in the Circle of Jeri- 
chow, as Deputy at the United Diet, and had selected Dyke 
Captain von Bismarck of Schoenhausen as his proxy. As 
Herr von Brauchitsch was very ill, his substitute was sum- 
moned. 

Tj Bismarck appeared as representative of the Knight's Estate 
of Jerichow, and vassal and chivalric servitor of the King. 
How go the Fates! If the eminent von Brauchitsch had not 



Bismarck Supports His King 89 

had the toothache, that day, there might not have been a 
United Germany — is it not true ? 

U In the group that gathered in the "White Saloon" at Coelin 
on the Spree, Bismarck met many men whose opinions were 
well known to him; his brother, the Landrath, his cousins, 
the Counts von Bismarck-Bohlen and von Bismarck- Briest; 
his future father-in-law, Herr von Puttkammer; von Thad- 
den, von Wedell, and many others, Says Heskiel: 
If "Unfortunately these gentlemen in general, as Herr von 
Thadden once bluntly said of himself, were not even bad 
orators, but no orators at all. Nor could the two Freiherrs 
von Manteuffel contend in eloquence with the brilliant 
rhetorics of the Liberals, such as Freiherr von Vincke, Camp- 
hausen, Mevissen, Beckerath, and others. 
% "Few persons today can read those speeches of the First 
United Diet, once so celebrated, without a melancholy or 
satirical smile. Those were the blossom-days of liberal 
phraseology, causing an enthusiasm of which we cannot now 
form any adequate idea!" 

§ 1 I 

% Troublous times indeed; and the King an autocrat of auto- 
crats, forced by the liberal ideas of the hour, breaking every- 
where. We can imagine William saying angrily: 
"Confound the impudence of the Liberals with their crazy lib- 
erty, fraternity and equality. We supposed that all this non- 
sense was blown to bits by the guns at Waterloo!" 
If The bedeviled King began to show a streak of Prussian 
stubbornness; in these angry words he incautiously addressed 
those delegates who had dared to ask for a Constitution: 
If "I refuse to allow to come between Almighty God in Heaven 
and this Prussian land so much as a blotted piece of parch- 
ment to rule us with paragraphs, and to replace thereby the 
sacred bond of ancient loyalty!" 

If The widening gulf between monarchy and French constitu- 
tionalism was now manifest to almost any thoughtful Prus- 
sian, but, like the ostrich, our timid William continued to hide 
his head under the sand and believed himself safe. 



90 Blood and Iron 

25 

For one whole month, burly Bismarck sits with his 
mouth shut, seemingly stricken dumb at the sacri- 
legious ideas of the Democrats. 

U Now this giant dyke-captain, this lover of dogs, horses and 
cattle, sat for one whole month, stricken dumb it seemed by 
the political heresies that he heard. For one solid month, he 
never opened his mouth! Then he could stand it no longer. 
He pleaded vigorously for the Middle Ages feudal system, 
and for the right of his own aristocratic class! In truth, 
without knowing it, he was expressing the King's sentiments, 
was a genuine King's Man. 

5f The future prince's first speech swept like a hurricane over 
a garden in June — withering, blasting, uprooting. He began 
by denying, absolutely, that the great victory of 1813 which 
expelled for Prussia the French invaders was based on so 
low a consideration as the promise of a paper Constitution. 
Not at all! It was an exhibition of pure patriotism. In his 
historical reference, Bismarck, in this instance, was in error. 
In no sense was "the people" to be credited with the great 
Prussian victory of 1813; it came about largely through mili- 
tary tactics, training and general preparedness, in which "the 
people" had no part except to do their plain duty. 
U For his remarkable utterance, Bismarck was promptly 
hissed down by the Liberal side. Undaunted, Bismarck loaded 
his heaviest guns against this thing called "Liberalism," 
with all its mock-heroics of liberty, fraternity and equality. 
Would it not endanger our King's sacred throne? That was 
enough for Herr Bismarck. 

IJThus the doughty Dyke-captain from the Elbe endeavored 
to perform a political miracle — new wine in old bottles — and 
as fast as the bottles popped, he put the wine in still other 
old bottles. Was there ever more folly ? Did a young cham- 
pion of the Crown ever make greater fool of himself? 
IJAnd with all Europe bawling for liberty, fraternity and 
equality; with thrones tottering in every direction; with 23 
of the 39 German states already joyously exhibiting their 



Bismarck Supports His King 91 

new Constitutions ? Here was a voice in the wilderness cry- 
ing for monarchy and the Divine-right of kings! And what's 
more, gentlemen, he has before him a 30-years' fight, but 
in the end will ram it down your throats. 
Tf His cry at this moment is that ancient Prussian slogan, 
"Mitt Gott fuer Koenig und Vaterland!" The question on 
the proposed Constitution — the right of petition and certain 
specified control over state finance by the people — simple as 
all this seems today, created a terrible storm! The nobility, 
led by the Dyke-captain, felt uneasy; a parliament of the 
people was indeed a needless concession. And were the peo- 
ple prepared by education for this great change? Was it 
not hasty? 

fl Meantime, the King was in truth a sort of broken reed, 
stirred by every blast that swept from the "White Saloon.*' 
fiFr: Wm. IV was a "Hamlet-hesitating monarch," who had 
it not been for the burly giant Bismarck would have been 
swept into oblivion by the first whiff of gunpowder. A stick- 
ler for religious dogma, the pietists adored him, but the 
classes despised him; he was one of those men who discuss 
trifles with elegant ease, but who have no conception of what 
is behind this present widespread demand for a constitu- 
tion. This King Fr.: Wm. IV lived in a mystic mediaeval 
dreamland; he restored the cathedral of Cologne; sent a mis- 
sionary band to spread his beloved Lutheran doctrines to the 
Chinese, and established a Protestant bishop at Jerusalem. 
The political literature of the time is overwhelmingly against 
William. He did not understand the drift of events. With- 
out Bismarck, the King's head would soon have rolled into 
the basket! 

§ § 1 

26 
Bellowing his defiance, though the Liberals bring 
the rope — The new man explains his novel position, 
not as a politician but as a Prussian in deadly ear- 
nest — The Jew, and time's revenge. 

If There were three sessions of the Baby Parliament, and 
Bismarck was soon looked upon as the conservative leader. 






92 Blood and Iron 

Perhaps conservative is not the word; reactionary would be 
closer. There was no Conservative party, nor a Liberal party 
for that matter. The obstinate fight with Bismarck was not 
because he wished to prevent the common people from hav- 
ing a share in their Prussian government, but because the 
change, if ever it came, would set up a peculiar type of Prus- 
sian government; a state-government, as it were, as against 
the old-time liege-lord master-and-servant conception of Ho- 
henzollern "Divine-right" policy. 

% The very word "people" threw Herr Bismarck into hyster- 
ical frenzy! He determined upon resisting the heresy with 
all the virile courage of his colossal bulk. 
It had been his duty, as Elbe dyke-captain, to protect his 
country against torrential waters; now he would do similar 
service against the rising floods of revolution. He set up the 
historical agreement that the edifice of Prussia, under an 
aristocratic form of rulership, was firmer toward foreign foes, 
firmer than was possible under the leader rule of the people. 
Tj A conservative deputy from Pomerania, addressing the ad- 
ministration member for West Havelland, said: "We have 
conquered!" 

fl "Not so!" replied Bismarck, coolly. "We have not con- 
quered, but we have made an attack, which is the principal 
thing. Victory is yet to come, but it will take years!" 
If These words accurately convey the nature of the situation. 
Bismarck was master of short phrases in which complex 
situations are summed up. 

ill 

U He had dog-like love for his master, the King : "No word," 
he exclaimed, "has been more wrongly used in the past year 
than the word 'people/ Each man has held it to mean just 
what suits his individual view." 

H "We are Prussians," was his eternal keynote, "and Prussia 
is all-sufficient. Our hosts follow the Prussian flag and not 
the tricolor; under the black and white they joyfully die for 
their country. The tricolor has been, since the March riots, 
recognized as the color of their opponents. The accents of 
the Prussian National Anthem, the strains of the Dessau and 



Bismarck Supports His King 93 

Hohenfriedberg March are well known and beloved among 
them; but I have never yet heard a Prussian soldier sing, 
'What is the German Fatherland?' The nation whence this 
army has sprung, and of which the army is the truest repre- 
sentative in the happy and accurate words of the president 
of the First Chamber, Rudolph von Auerswald, does not need 
to see the Prussian monarchy melt away in the filthy fer- 
ment of South German immorality. We are Prussians, and 
Prussians we desire to remain! I know that in these words 
I utter the creed of the Prussian army, the creed of the ma- 
jority of my fellow-countrymen, and I hope to God that we 
shall continue Prussians, when this bit of paper is forgotten 
like the withered leaf of autumn!" 

If Yes, Bismarck, any day the mob may bring the rope; but 
you still bellow your defiance, your face of brass unabashed. 
Man among men — wrong though you be, Bismarck, you will 
have your say though the Heavens fall. 

If "I am proud to be a Prussian Junker, and feel honored by 
the appellation. Whigs and Tories were terms which once 
also had a very mean signification; and be assured, gentle- 
men, that we shall on our part bring Junkerdom to be re- 
garded with honor and respect." 

H H .S 
fl Aristocrats were delighted; von Thadden exclaimed: "I am 
enthusiastic over this man Bismarck!" Geo. v. Wincke, the 
Westphalian high official, short, fat, red-headed, never ad- 
mired the burly giant Bismarck, smelling of the cow-sheds. 
J For twenty years, off and on, the testy v. Wincke indulged 
in invective, his theme ever being "The rule of law." This 
George v. Wincke in spite of his medals and his family tree 
was on the liberal side, bag and baggage. 
fl There was a strain of bitter eloquence about this red- 
headed champion of the people's rights. He had read Guizot 
and talked much of Hampden, the Long Parliament, and all 
that. George had the legal side of the argument, especially 
since the French revolution had set liberty bells a-ringing 
everywhere, even in solemn old Prussia; but the doughty 
Bismarck would come thundering back with his "unlimited 
crown" and rulership over the people "by the grace of God," 



94 Blood and Iron 

royal prerogative and general disdain for the masses; — as in 
the regime of Louis the Magnificent at Versailles, when the 
convicts worked to build the $200,000,000 palace to shelter 
art, wit and pretty women, while the people starved. How 
out of tune, Bismarck; how hopelessly reactionary! 

Ill 
Tf Bismarck voted against every new privilege. His speeches 
read like reports of personal rows! He was frank, fearless 
and frenzied, and in turn his volleys excited groans and 
hisses. 

fl Was ever mortal so utterly out of touch with the prevail- 
ing French conception of liberty, equality and fraternity? 
Here is the way he summed up political equality: 
ff "The goosequill arguments of newspaper writers!" "Kelics 
of pot-houses!" "The emancipation of the people does not 
mean progress!" "A royal word is more than volumes of 
law!" "The Prussian sovereigns are in possession of a crown 
by God's grace!" "The king has said he did not wish to 
be coerced or driven!" "Let there be a period of four years, 
at least, before another such stupid meeting as this is held." 
Hit was a curious situation. Bismarck was both rude and 
crude ! 

His style of delivery was lame, his voice improperly placed, 
his mannerisms grotesque. Despite his hobbling oratory, 
however, Bismarck was soon a marked man; he held his au- 
dience by his sensational ideas and his dogged courage! 

HUH 
fl Why did Bismarck vote against every new privilege? 
This may not be decently answered in a word; you must read 
on in detail; there was a great principle behind Bismarck's 
political attitude. True, it was crudely conceived and ex- 
pressed, at this period; but he will improve with time. 
Tf Bismarck well remembered the excesses of German Jaco- 
bins, in the southwest, during the turbulent years of the 
French Eevolution. Alsace and Lorraine had welcomed mas- 
sacres as signs of political equality; mob leaders destroyed 
castles and monasteries; Jew-baiters went mad; Schneider, 
the tyrant of Strassburg, took charge of the guillotine, but 



Bismarck Supports His King 95 

not making enough blood flow, was soon aided by profes- 
sional executioners, straight from Paris. 
fl There was also the lunatic "Feast of Reason." Stark-mad 
Germans paraded with Marat's statue, attacked churches, 
wrecked altars, heaped up images of saints, crosses, pews, 
pulpits, and priests' garments, touched the match, and 
danced around the fire; — while Schneider harangued the 
mob on the joys of reason, as against revealed religion; 
solemnly assuring his thousands of listeners that Christian- 
ity was now a thing of the past. 

ffThus the mad war of liberty burst forth, accompanied by 
many extraordinary episodes. Nor were the followers con- 
fined exclusively to the rabble; we find many noted teachers, 
scholars and politicians endorsing the French guillotine as a 
remedy for all political ills — men like Blau, Wedekind, Hoff- 
mann, Foster,, Stamm, Dorsch, not overlooking the spectacular 
John Mueller, who in the cause of the people committed un- 
heard-of follies with his pen, as a necessary support for the 
sword. 

K There was also a stark-mad leader named Cloots, who usu- 
ally signed his bulletins "Cloots, Personal Enemy of Jesus 
of Nazareth." His object was the union of all mankind, 
literally speaking; no halfway measures for him, no long 
delays; he wanted his political salvation here and now. 
fl So inflamed were the people that the discharge of a tailor's 
apprentice, in Breslau, precipitated a riot and the artillery 
was brought into play. 

flln Saxony, 18,000 peasants demanded a democratic consti- 
tution; but the authorities replied by sending the messenger 
to a mad-house. 

fl Thus, in various directions, the crack-brained revolutionists 
played their parts; nor should history overlook the contribu- 
tion of the learned Dr. Faust, of Buckelburg, whose profound 
treatise, "Origin of Trousers," was read in Paris as a sort 
of historical endorsement of the great democratic party that 
gloried in the equality, not to say liberty, exhibited by cast- 
ing trousers aside. 

11 11 m 

II Now what do you think? This King's Man, sprung up of 



g6 Blood and Iron 

a sudden, coming from his fox-hunting and his cow-sheds, 
hits right and left at the Jews! Yes, as against his "beloved 
Christians." Here is a new note indeed — old yet new. 
We had not supposed Jew-baiting a thing of the past; but 
in these tempestuous times it did seem that race-prejudice 
had no place in a plain attempt to keep a king's crown. 
fl "I will pass," Bismarck thundered, "to the question itself. 
I am no enemy of Jews, and if they are enemies to me, I 
will forgive them. Under certain circumstances, I even love 
them. I would grant them every right— save that of hold- 
ing superior office posts in a Christian country. 
ft "I admit I am full of prejudices, sucked in with my moth- 
er's milk. If I think of a Jew, face to face with me as a 
representative of the king's sacred majesty, and have to 
obey him, I must confess that I should feel myself deeply 
broken and depressed. The sincere self-respect with which 
I now attempt to fulfil my duties toward the state would 
leave me! I share these feelings with the mass of large 
strata of people, and I am not ashamed of their society." 

m m m 

ff Thus, now at this supreme moment, when with voice of 
brass our Bismarck is making his entry into the world of 
affairs with his sharp words on Christians and Jews, and 
more especially with his uncompromising conception that 
kings are indeed the personal representatives of God on this 
earth, we do see that Bismarck stems from a fighting race. 
All his years, this Bismarck was a frightful hater. 
flWith the sorry figure of the world-oppressed Jew in our 
eyes and the malignancy of this new Jew-baiter, it is well 
that at the very outset this be made clear: That whatever 
Bismarck was or was not, at least he was no hypocrite. His 
words always fall like the wrath of God. 
It is a solemn fact that he changed his point of view many, 
many times — even as you and I — but there is always the 
ring of sincerity about it that even the acid test of long time 
is unable to dissolve. 

B II 1 
1} It was this tremendous earnestness — this sincerity — that 
made Bismarck feared, hated and despised. 



Bismarck Supports His King 97 

Against your will, you are forced to believe what this giant 
says, no matter how mocking, how insolent, how absurd his 
charges ! 

Some tell us that Bismarck's ancestry stems from Bohemia, 
others trace the Bismarcks to Russia, still others assert Jew- 
ish origin. 

This much is a fact: from a geographical point, the family 
name comes from the little river Biese, near Stendal. 
ft Bismarck's passion and prejudice against Jews was pro- 
verbial. It did indeed often turn him, for the time being, 
into a mad dog! 

Near the close of life, in retirement at Friedrichsruh, some 
candid friend desecrated the great man's retirement by send- 
ing him a copy of a book by an anonymous writer, "Bis- 
marck, the Jew." 

Ordinarily, Bismarck paid no attention to social lampoons, 
but on this day as he read the book aloud to guests, his 
anger became black and terrifying! 

ft "I am determined to have the law on the audacious writer!" 
Bismarck's guests saw the old man in one of his moods of 
frightful rage. 

But next day something intervened — and Bismarck never 
brought suit for damages. 

/ 111 

ft Here is one thing that you must never forget in studying 

great men: That it is possible, nay inevitable, for a man to 

be at once very great and very small. 

At the very beginning of his career, we find Bismarck 

ringing the solemn changes on "Christian," and we behold 

him in a characteristically unamiable mood over "Jews." 

Yet all the time he was endeavoring to lay down the dogma 

that the proper aim of the state is the realisation of the 

Christian ideal! 

ft If now you can understand this mental contradiction, you 

are in a position to grasp one of the strange paradoxes with 

which Bismarck's life is literally filled. 

You see here, at once, why he has been so often accused of 

double-dealing, of stacking the cards, of changing his mind, 



98 Blood and Iron 

of going ahead by going backwards, winning ultimately by 
fair means or by foul. 

Ill 

If And now for the sequel. Many years later, Bismarck was 
exceedingly glad to be guided by the advice of Jews, more 
especially the Jewish banker Bleichroder. 
On one side of the table sits Bismarck, the Pomeranian 
Junker, and on the other side the sallow-faced, undersized 
Jew, Bleichroder. 

Great friends they are today, to be sure; and between them 
is a mound of treasury reports, telling in minute detail the 
financial resources of Louis the Little, now a helpless pris- 
oner of war. France is at the Prussian's mercy, and a Jew 
is called in — a despised Jew! 

Bleichroder and Bismarck coolly examined the balance sheets 
of France, the present state of her debts. 
The money cost turns out to be the stupendous sum of five 
thousand millions of francs. 

ill 

If Literary and journalistic France, in book, editorial and 
oration made a great outcry at the moment, declaring dram- 
atically that Prussian barbarians had decided "to bleed 
France white" — attributing to Bismarck a figure of speech 
borrowed from the butcher's block! Well and good, but 
France paid the indemnity in surprisingly short time; and 
had many millions left to go on her way rejoicing, had it not 
been for the miserable obsession, "Ravanche!" that kept her 
in hot water for years. 

^ Bismarck was correctly quoted in this respect : That gold 
is as necessary in war as gunpowder; and the best way to 
keep a quarrelsome would-be Napoleon out of war is to 
empty his pockets. 

If The Jewish feature, however, shows Bismarck, through and 
through; and we could not present him without this sur- 
prising scene. Make the most of it. 

Ill 
If "I do not much like the piety that proclaims itself," said 
Louis XIII. A similar remark may be made concerning" 



Bismarck Supports His King 99 

Bismarck's lifelong belief that the Lord was on Bismarck's 
side — Jew-baiter and all. 

ft "The longer I work in politics," he once remarked, sum- 
ming up his many political difficulties, "the smaller my be- 
lief in human calculation. I look at the affair acording to 
my human understanding, but gratitude for God's assistance 
so far raises in me the confidence that the Lord is able to 
turn our errors to our own good; that I experience daily, to 
my wholesale humiliation." 

ill 

CHAPTER VIII 

Ifemarrk buffers a (Sreat Bfyntk 

27 

Wherein it is shown that Bismarck's protest against 
disrespect for constituted authority was based on 
certain tragic historical instances he would not re- 
peat. 

ft It is freely granted that ideas of "Liberty!" that many 
German patriots desired to see come to pass, in 1848, were 
not those of 1789; but elements of lawlessness, of mob- 
rule, of marchings to "Ca Ira!" of absurd glorification of the 
common man, and of snarlings at kings as kings, were 
largely in the spirit laid down by Robespierre, Danton, Ma- 
rat and that crew, with their chosen gangsters of the guil- 
lotine. Bismarck would have none of it! 
True, many of the old-line excesses were no longer used for 
political purposes, but Bismarck was too well-balanced, had 
too much common sense, in short was too strongly aligned 
with landed interests to endorse "popular" government on 
the old type from over the Vosges. His protests were all in 
support of authority, discipline, duty, devotion to a delib- 
erately chosen monarch, who ruled by the will of God. 
ft In '48 the talk of the "Rights of Man" really meant the 
rights of individual men — the tailor, the barber, the shoe- 
maker — each of whom felt that the time had now come to 
overturn the political system of kings and to bring on the 
rule of the common people. 



ioo Blood and Iron 

Old-line hatred of Napoleon had passed away. The French 
military despot of the early part of the century was now 
figured as a "great democrat," whose wars had "all" been 
in the interest of the people. Could anything have been 
more absurd? The literary speculations of Rousseau, as to 
the status of a new society (such, for example, as running 
naked in the grove and rolling on the grass) were now re- 
placed by loud discussions not on the Rights of Man, as a 
form of idealism, but the rights of all manner of men, each 
of whom felt that, under the new dispensation, hastened if 
necessary by bomb, dagger and poison-cup, the human race 
was to rise to nobler political ideals. It is not difficult to 
see that political theories of this sort have been indulged, 
in one way or other, by every generation in revolt against 
the settled ways of the fathers. 

fl Let us, therefore, go back to original sources and see for 
ourselves just what account the common people had given 
of themselves, in a political way, in France at the time of 
her so-called political millennium. We shall then be able to 
grasp Bismarck's position clearly and be able at least to 
understand, if we do not support, his attitude of uncomprom- 
ising severity toward popular rule, as understood at this 
moment in the political evolution of Germany. 

H M M 

U If it be a mark of progress to call God a superstitious idol 
and to endeavor by the guillotine to enforce political rights, 
then the precious French key to the Door of Destiny for this 
human race should be duplicated and placed in the posses- 
sion of nations, far and wide, as the final expression of man's 
best idea of himself, his wife, his child and his country. 
This 1789-93 return to National paganism, both political and 
social, is the mockery that Bismarck decided with all his al- 
mighty strength, nay his supreme rage, to set aside; and 
for him Prussian Militarism, which he so jealously set his 
heart on, against the rising tides of French constitutionalism, 
otherwise mob-rule, was at once to prove the sharp cure and 
the dreadful counter-blow. 



Bismarck Supports His King 101 

II It was only after St. Helena that the Napoleonic legend, 
presenting Napoleon as the great democrat, was brought 
forward, to wit, that the Emperor's many brutal campaigns 
were in the interest of the "common people" instead of 
gratification of his obsession for wars. 

The transition came about in a simple way. The Emperor 
was dead and gone; his fate on a distant black rock added 
romantic interest to his lost cause; and the return of the old- 
line French kings after Waterloo, under the bayonets of 
Britain and the Allies, had proved a keen disappointment, 
politically, to France. It is conceded that Napoleon had 
promised and in many cases had applied liberal principles in 
his conquered domains; but now that the man was dead, 
agitators of many lands, including the 39 distracted Ger- 
man states, began to take literally what the Emperor had 
said in a sort of huge politico-military satire, to wit, that 
his blood-letting was truly in the interest of the masses. 

Ill 
If Hence, between 1815 and 1848, agitators of Germany began 
ringing the changes on the glories of the French Revolution. 
True, the Emperor had been dead some 20-odd years; a new 
generation found surprising merits in his military plans, 
forgetful of the lure of loot that had been the foundation 
of it all; yes, for one thing the hungry desire of the land- 
less for the lands of the Catholic church. 
1fThe exaggerated fact has been falsely set forth again and 
again that the French peasant of 1789 was down in the very 
mire of political despond, without a sou to his name; the 
cock called him to work at dawn, and all for the good of the 
aristocrats; he was penniless, he was an absurd figure, he 
was not a man but a beast; — hence his righteous revolt in 
the sacred name of Liberty. 

If The fact is that at this time the French peasant was in 
no worse condition than the working classes of other lands, 
including Britain, Italy and Germany. That the Revolution 
first broke out in France and not in the other countries! 
named is to be traced to journalistic and oratorical agitators 
of the ward-politician type. 
If The special taxes of which the peasantry complained did 



102 Blood and Iron 

not exceed two per cent of the products of the soil; and it 
is also a fact that France had a large and profitable foreign 
trade; but French political and journalistic agitators were 
afield, and the plain truth is that the landless desired to con- 
fiscate, and did confiscate, the titles of those in possession. 
No sooner was the gigantic confiscation of Catholic church 
lands, amounting to about one- third of the soil of France, 
or two billion five hundred million of francs in nominal value, 
ordered by Mirabeau, backed up by the Revolutionary tri- 
bunals, than the supposedly impecunious French peasants 
came forward and purchased to the extent of millions of 
francs; and it is a fact to-day (1915) that one of the secret 
dreads of the French peasantry is that some sensational po- 
litical change may come in the stability of the French Gov- 
ernment, a change that will forfeit these old land titles, 
based on confiscation in Revolutionary days. 
^ The French peasantry wants no great National military 
hero to emerge from the war of 1915; and it is not unthink- 
able that should a very strong French general suddenly come 
forward, he would be removed by assassination; a thing that 
has happened at least once before, in latter-day French 
politics. 

This confession of politico-social fears on the part of the 
French peasantry explains why in France, take them as a 
group, the candidates invested with the honors of the Pres- 
idency are timid men, without ambitious political bias, and 
why, on the whole, the modern French National instinct lives 
in dread of a military hero, who with a turn of his wrist 
might on the vote of his soldiers declare himself, let us say, 
Emperor. 

SHU 
fl Loaded down with debts incurred for various reasons, the 
French of 1789 were on the verge of National bankruptcy. 
This condition has usually been charged up against the ex- 
cesses of the French kings, such, for example, as expending 
some 200,000,000 francs for pleasure-palaces, for the pretty 
women around Louis XIV; but this charge will not bear the 
light of modern research. 
It is also a fact, on the practical side, that the much-boasted 



Bismarck Supports His King 103 

support given to America by the French in America's Revo- 
lutionary War, in a degree helped to bankrupt the French 
government; but Americans have forgotten or wink at this 
plain financial obligation. 

If Also, the French Eevolution had promised in its every 
utterance the dawn of the political millennium, whereas in- 
stead it brought an era of blood, idol-worship and free-love. 
We are not discussing here those poetical French surveys of 
the Rights of Man. Every ward-politican in Paris had the 
list at his tongue's end. There was some truth, much truth, 
in many of these expressions, no doubt, as mere expressions 
of humane sentiments. That, however, is another story. 

m m s 

% One has but to read the Memoirs of President Bailly of 
the Revolutionary Assembly to find that mob-rule predom- 
inated from the first day of the supposed "Dawn of the polit- 
ical Millennium." The mob in the gallery hissed or applauded 
each speech, and deputies were intimidated. 
fl Bismarck in his united Germany wanted no Jacobin Clubs, 
largely composed of ward-politicians, and Bismarck wanted 
no Marat with his vile newspaper, "Friend of the People," 
setting class against class. 

% He wanted no guillotine as the German symbol of political 
liberty. This political method of the guillotine was at best 
only a cowardly form of assassination, ineffectual, barbarous. 
First one side used it, then the other; then still another 
group; each set of French political assassins prating of Lib- 
erty had recourse to the guillotine to be well rid of rivals 
much as in Caesar's time the women of Caesar's family, 
that their own might be exalted, in turn proceeded to poison 
prospective collateral heirs to the Imperial throne. 

Ill 
K Bismarck knew all about this dirty French mess, parading 
itself as the "voice of the people." He was a strong man 
himself and he was guilty of gross ambitions in his rise to 
power, but on the whole Bismarck stood for self-possession 
and for manly audacity, certainly not the French Revolution 
type of audacity. It is a fact that Bismarck, as a human 



104 Blood and Iron 

being, was a vast egotist, and had his own, ofttimes unscrup- 
ulous, way of gaining his ends, but his conception of Mili- 
tarism, the force he did eventually use, was at bottom a 
virtuous effort to support, liberate and unify the Fatherland, 
not drag it into the mire of idolatry and bestiality. 

mm® 

If We shall frequently say harsh things about Bismarck, in 
this book; we do not wish to follow French methods and en- 
deavor to make an impossible hero of a man of clay. Bis- 
marck, as a man and in the methods of his rise to great 
glory, had his gross faults, and we fearlessly point them out. 
fl But here are some of the facts that Bismarck can never 
stand accused of, in the light of this much-boasted French 
political "Millennium" of 1789-93, and here, likewise we find 
the real reasons why he did struggle with all his might 
against a reluctant people to enforce Militarism throughout 
the jealous clashing 39 German states; ana if Bismarc&s 
exercise of the strong hand, in the bosom of the German 
family was a fault, then at least it did not include these 
French conditions, set up to cause the world to gasp in 
admiration. 

fiThe bull-necked Danton, the Parisian ward-heeler, in con- 
trol of public opinion, came on with his guillotine; and closed 
the city's gates against any man that had a dollar to pay 
his debts or buy a dinner. 

If The so-called "will of the people" was in short a spurious 
affair, unnaturally created by a political morphine that gave 
glorious dreams; and this wretched drug was supplied by the 
mob-leaders. 

All the blood-letting was represented as a harmless affair, 
tending toward liberty and equality; all the confiscations of 
church-lands and redistribution among the peasants was de- 
clared a "great" political triumph. 

Throughout even the loneliest country districts the word was 
passed that the political millennium was about to break. 
H The King was represented as a "monster fattening on 
crime." His wife was called an Austrian "panthress," and 
vile pamphlets were secretly passed around reflecting on her 



Bismarck Supports His King 105 

character. God was represented as judging the King, and 
the guillotine was awaiting Louis, by Heaven's decree. 
Tl The 26,000 priests who refused to take the oath of al- 
legiance to the monstrous political farce were visited with 
all manner of persecutions; one section of Revolutionary 
opinion decreed that death was the just due of all offending 
pastors. 

fl The assertion of kept-historians that there was "political 
justification" is at once spurious and an insult to common 
sense. 

fl In justice to the better French element it is granted freely 
that the dreadful September massacres did not express the 
real beliefs of the great decent body of the French people; 
but the Nation was dragged through the mire and the Nation 
has for years been endeavoring to explain this political Mil- 
lennium of riots, murders, midnight assassinations, despoil- 
ings of land titles. 

11 M M 
H Bismarck would have drained the poison cup rather than 
stand for such French Constitutional nonsense in his beloved 
Germany, the Germany of his dreams, the Germany for 
which he labored so many years, the Germany which he 
would save from itself, so to speak. 

He purposed to build up German political opinion, not 
through blatherskite ward-heelers, in Berlin, Frankfort or 
Hamburg, but by a manly appeal to German common sense 
and German sense of respect for authority; and if Bismarck 
overworked his idea of Divine-right of kings, then at least 
this may be said: that he issued no appeal to the German 
people "Who Laughs on Friday, Weeps on Sunday!" (The 
massacres had come between!) And as to Danton, who 
glories in being the immediate instigator of the massacres 
we have these, Danton's own words: "It was I who caused 
them. Rivers of blood had to flow between me and our 
enemies!" Finally, after these rivers of blood, the word 
was passed, "That the entire Nation will hasten to adopt this 
(guillotine) most-necessary means of public salvation." 



to6 Blood and Iron 

28 
Viewing at closer range the work of the legislators 
of the great republic of liberty and equality; these 
facts Bismarck well knew, explaining his belief in 
militarism. 

fl After reading five hundred pamphlets on the Revolution 
(as she testified at her trial) Charlotte Corday struck down 
Marat with a dagger; and her act has been generally con- 
doned by men with a sense of fair-play. It was indeed a 
bloody murder; but when a mad-dog is running wild, a beast 
fattening on human blood, one passion feeds on another — 
and Corday is no exception. (Henderson, Symbol and Satire 
of the French Revolution). 

Heroine or monster, take your choice; at least in her time 
such was the frenzy of the alleged political Millennium that 
Marat was soon worshipped as a martyr. This atrocious po- 
litical quack, with all his daggers and his blackjacks, was 
likened to Jesus Christ; and among the sentiments of the 
hour we read, "A perfidious hand has snatched him away 
from his beloved people"; "To the immortal glory of Marat, 
the people's friend"; "Unable to corrupt me, they h^ave as- 
sassinated me!" "Marat, rare and sublime soul, we will imi- 
tate thee; we swear it on thy bloody corpse." 
Such are some of the expressions of Liberty, Equality and 
Fraternity that followers of French Constitutionalism had 
years later decreed to re-enact in Germany; but Bismarck 
stood as a master with a rod of iron to lay over the backs of 
fanatical German Radicals, who would come on with their 
drunken calls of "Liberty!" 

h m m 

fl All this, however, is only the mild opening chapter of this 
much glorified French Constitutionalism. The French prisons 
soon held about all there was of French intelligence and mod- 
eration; the brains, the blood and the beauty. It is not neces- 
sary to mention names. 

If you wish to become hysterical, read your fill of this 
drunken era of French Constitutionalism. 



Bismarck Supports His King 107 

At the height of the Terror, there were 8,000 political pris- 
oners in French dungeons; and the mobs still came on with 
their cries for fresh blood. One day, this expression was 
made: "The town of Lyons shall be destroyed; the name 
Lyons shall be effaced," etc. All this meant that Lyons, 
weary of blood, had decided on raising an army to beat back 
the sons of spurious liberty. 

Ill 

fl Any man who, in the Terror, dared disagree with the mob- 
rulers was called a "conspirator." In a letter from Herbois, 
we find this plain evidence of political lunacy masquerading 
as inspiration: "There are 60,000 individuals here who will 
never make good republicans; we must have them sent away. 
I have new measures in mind, weighty and effectual,* * * 
Heads, more heads, heads every day! * * * How you 
would have enjoyed seeing National justice meted out to two 
hundred and nine rogues. What cement for the Republic! 
I say fete, yes, citizen president, fete is the right word. The 
guillotining and fusillading are not going badly!" 

ill 

If The Queen, now in her dungeon, was treated with wretched 
dishonor. Even the petty expenses of bread and salt were 
begrudged: 15 francs a day for food; three francs and 18 
sous for trimming a skirt, 18 sous for a ribbon and shoe- 
strings; three francs for a tooth wash; — all this was kept 
track of. Yet in years gone by France had allowed her 
four million francs of pin money, and the royal allowance 
was twenty-five millions of francs per annum. 
fl "Through a small window in her cell comes the light of day. 
* * * She is accused of being a leech, a scourge, a harpy 
and a free-lover; she is condemned to death." 

IS 11 II 
H The political assassins, known as the Mountain, and that 
known as the Girondists, now began destroying each other; 
every patriotic action of the Girondists was set forth as hav- 
ing been instigated by love of vulgar applause. After some 
days, the Jacobin Club petitioned for freer trials, less hin- 
dered by legal formalities. 



108 Blood and Iron 

fl"Long live the Kepublic!" was the cry. "Perish all traitors!" 
Executions continued, day by day. 

ft The poor king was long since dead and gone, yet his mem- 
ory was detested. 

On a certain day of horrors, the tombs of his ancestors were 
broken open by the mob, and the bones scattered. One corpse 
(or what remained of it) was stood up against a wall and the 
beard hacked off by a patriot of the new Regime. 

Ill 
ft All authority was now overthrown; and as one writer adds, 
"the most daring enterprise of the Revolution remains to be 
chronicled: the storming of Heaven!" (Henderson.) 
ft The leaders decided next to attack God on His throne; God 
was officially declared a superstitious myth. 
The altars of France were hurled over; the Christian era was 
abolished by political decree; the Sabbath day was officially 
proclaimed done away with; Christ was to be henceforth 
banished, officially; churches closed, pagan rites substituted. 

11 m m 

ft Bismarck, the thinker, Bismarck, the builder, with his 
dream of political responsibility, of vested Authority, stood 
for no such facts in his protests against the rising tide of 
Radicalism, in the German states. 

He knew his history too well; he knew the satire of the 
French Revolution, the folly of meeting it in any way except 
by the sword. 

ft Yes, Bismarck believed strongly in what has since been 
called Militarism; but his idea was that power was needed 
for the liberation and the unification of his country; and he 
hated French Constitutionalism and fought by fair means 
and by foul all efforts to warp upon Germans the political 
ideals of the French Revolution. So you must here and now 
make up your mind whether or not Bismarck was a great 
statesman or a great fool. 

m m m 

ft The French Convention, weary of blood-letting, began maun- 
dering in the psychology of religion. 



Bismarck Supports His King 109 

It was officially set forth by one of the Deputies that, after 
all, the idea was to invent some new form of religion, without 
which the proposed political Millennium had fallen short. 
Marat was turned to, that choice spirit of the height of the 
era; though in his tomb, he was called upon in this strange 
language, despite his bringing in the Terror: 
fl "0, heart of Jesus, heart of Marat, you have an equal 
right to our homage!" 

1JA New Era was now decreed, taken in the main from the 
paganism of early France. The four seasons were sym- 
bolized by the hunt of the man for his mate: he is afield in 
Autumn, on horseback; in Winter, he first finds his new mate; 
in the Spring, the maid watches her sheep feeding on the 
hills; and in Summertime, the man is seen leading his mate 
to a couch, his arms already around her waist. 
% One of the leading symbols was Reason, presented as a 
lady petting a lion; saints' days were replaced by days for 
animals, one for the cat, the dog, the sheep, and what you 
we will; but no longer St. John's, St. James, St. Louis. 
Certain other days, dedicated to the "Spirit of the Revolu- 
tion," were termed "Sans culotte," or without trousers, to 
wit, the French version of that great idol of the American 
yellow editor, who cries for justice in behalf of the man with 
the seat out of his trousers. 

If On a certain day, the Cathedral of Notre Dame was used 
as a background for the great French political drama; a 
mountain was erected, a figure known as Truth was present. 
The Goddess Reason was also carried to the Tuileries; and 
later as a report written at the time says, "The President of 
the Convention gave the Goddess a fraternal kiss, whereupon 
his secretaries asked and obtained a similar privilege." 
If At Rochef ort the orator of the hour began, "Citizens, there 
is no future life!" 

If The images of saints were replaced by men of the stripe of 
Marat, Brutus and other tyrants. 

If Also, an ass was dressed in pontifical robes at a sort of 
National fete, and a few days later at a public masquerade, 
the President replying to praises of the New Era explained 



no Blood and Iron 

himself as follows: "In one single instant you make vanish 
into nothingness the errors of eighteen centuries"; by which 
he meant to honor the paganism of the new French political 
Millennium. 

Ill 
1J Now comes that dangerous man, king of political charla- 
tans, Robespierre, who offers a private religion of his own. 
If The queer thing about this Eobespierre, the new dictator, 
is his belief that he and he alone is the fountain of all politi- 
cal virtues. One must be willing to sacrifice brothers, 
mother, sister, father to the guillotine — for the good of one's 
country. 

The Eobespierre idea is that the supreme duty of a Nation 
is to repress '"crime," as well as to uphold "virtue" and 
"crime" consists largely in not agreeing with the great cen- 
tral authority. He has had many followers since that day. 
U Robespierre was really a great man gone wrong; he had 
in many respects a brilliant mind; he was a profound orator; 
a born leader; but he was unsound at the core, like a rotten 
apple; taught bloodshed and violence, as expressions of Na- 
tional honor. 

ft In one picture of the hour, he is represented as the Sun, 
rising over the Mountain, and Giving Light to the Universe. 

si m m 

fl The day dawns when Robespierre has his old friend and 

rival Danton on the scaffold. This was to be expected. Then 

followed many executions of Dantonists. 

1} Robespierre now came on with his "new" religion; he boldly 

announced a Supreme Being and belief in immortality! 

fl He applied the torch to the wooden images set up by his 

political predecessors. He made a speech that is untellig- 

ible, all wind, sound and bombast, but was cheered to the 

echo. 

B ® H 
H Are you not growing weary of all these absurdities ? Per- 
haps you think the details taken from the records of Bloom- 
ingdale Asylum? 
No; French Constitutionalism of 1789-93, the sort that the 



Bismarck Supports His King in 

Radicals of Germany had in mind, (with some variations), 
and often extolled in fiery speeches of the German Liberal 
party that Bismarck decided to crush down, with a rod of 
iron. True, the old offensive historical details were kept out 
of sight and were not fresh in men's minds; — except read- 
ing men and thinking men, like Bismarck; men bold enough 
to stand out against mob-violence, called by whatever soft 
name you please. 

If A French cartoon of the Robespierre Regime made at the 
time by an admirer shows the earth around the guillotine 
heaped with heads, and at last the over-weary executioner, 
failing to find further victims, decides to execute himself! 
He is therefore seen lying under the axe, his head rolling 
on the floor. 

If Robespierre in the end went the way of all the other polit- 
ical fanatics; the day came when he was spat upon, struck, 
beaten by mobs, pricked with knives. 

According to his own theory, he needed no trial (said his 
new rivals and enemies in their lust for power), for he has 
by his acts shown himself to be an enemy of his country. 
They carried him down the great staircase; he fought back 
savagely, like the frightful animal that he was. 
fl Eighty-two of his followers died that day, on the guillotine. 
If "Long live the Republic! Long live Liberty!" was the loud 
cry of the rabble. 

ill 

If Such is some of the work of the great legislators of the 
Republic of Equality as set forth by the various authors of 
the new French "political Millennium," during those terrible 
years 1789-93; we have seen their ideas on a grand scale; 
and it is for you to judge whether in setting himself squarely 
in favor of Discipline and respect for constituted Authority, 
as exemplified by the line of Prussian kings, and the Prus- 
sian system of education, Bismarck was to show himself a 
man or a mouse. 

If Bismarck, who was a deep reader on politics, knew well 
the frightful excesses of French mob-rule. He may also 
have recognized certain general excellent principles, but he 



ii2 Blood and Iron 

would have nothing to do with the fungous growth. And as 
we follow his career, we see the virtue in his strong reliance 
on Militarism, as an arm to keep in check the turbulent 
German masses, also, later, this same Militarism to be used 
to do battle for the German Empire. 

Ill 
fl For many years, all manner of rosy democratic plans had 
been voiced by the Liberals. 

The thing had been done to death. Every manner of polit- 
ical Utopia had been planned by theorists, but Bismarck 
met them all with his ironical speeches, and bided his time. 
fl Bismarck's idea was that the only hope for German unity 
came through accepting the King of Prussia as ordained 
of heaven. 

In his arguments, he ignored the masses, the villagers, the 
workers, the busy-bees, the regard for individual rights. 
His whole programme seemed to the masses to be anti-Christ 
in conception, that is to say, it harked back to political 
paganism. 

flit is very difficult for an American to comprehend this 
Prussian conception of Divine-right, as a political principle 
— but it should not be difficult from the point of human ex- 
perience. Bismarck had no illusions concerning the power 
of the average man, and he held that the phrase "the people" 
was used by every political quack In Europe for any one of 
a thousand selfish motives. 

Bismarck had absolutely no faith in the power of the aver- 
age man to govern himself — much less to govern others! — 
or faith in the average man doing anything above the aver- 
age, outside his own small trade or craft. 

HUH 
fl Americans are accustomed to make much of an alleged 
saying of Lincoln: "No man is good enough to govern an- 
other without that man's consent." It is all a beautiful 
dream, false in theory and false in fact, belied by every rec- 
ord since the Lord drove Adam and Eve out of the Garden 
of Eden. 
Beginning with that stupendous episode, certain it is that 



Bismarck Supports His King 113 

this act of government was not carried out with, but against 
the will of the ruled; and the point at issue was not the 
supreme goodness of the ruler, but the power to station an 
angel with a flaming sword at the gates, toward which Adam 
ever after looked backward with longing eyes — but looked 
in vain! 

pn the innumerable dynasties of Babylon, Nineveh, Egypt, 
Greece, Arabia, Armenia, what man ruled who did not force 
his leadership? 

It is not in the nature of human beings to accept new ideas 
without hostile objection. 

This holds true also in the evolution of governments, for all 
life is founded on struggle, and the man who would rule 
must force his leadership or remain unknown. 
U Lincoln is absolutely in error, and his much-quoted words 
are folly. It is not a question of goodness, or badness, or 
fitness, on part of the man who has the ambition to rule, 
but it is very much a question of his courage, his craft or 
his cunning in compelling others to do his bidding. 
Julius Caesar was not selected to rule, but he selected him- 
self; and so did Charlemagne, and Bismarck — and so Lin- 
coln, himself. 

U If some concession to the democratic system is sought on 
the ground that the voice of the people loudly "called" Lin- 
coln, then it is to be set up that Lincoln on his part was 
one of the shrewdest political log-rollers this nation has ever 
seen; and if he did not originate the canvass that busies 
itself kissing the babies, congratulating the wives and shak- 
ing hands with the farmers, then at least Lincoln was an apt 
pupil. 

It is inconceivable that, without his own high ambition, his 
long and painstaking endeavors to trim sail to every favor- 
ing gale (for example his shifting positions on the slavery 
question), he would have been nominated for President of 
these United States. 

Ill 
Hit is an amiable conceit of human nature, looking back- 
ward, to profess to see what it blindly ignored, looking for- 
ward; and go to any penitentiary in America, ask the 



H4 Blood and Iron 

convicts, and you will find that, according to the stories, 
there are no guilty men behind the bars; invariably a pecu- 
liar complication of circumstances enabled the guilty man 
to escape, and justice was thereupon avenged by a human 
sacrifice; likewise in the United States Senate or in the 
House of Eepresentatives, ask whom you please, "How came 
you to hold your seat?" and you will find no ambitious man. 
Some were forced to stand against their protests; others 
were away traveling when word was received, by telegraph, 
"You have been elected!" Still others appealed to the nom- 
inating committee, "For the love of God desist!" — but jn 
vain. 

Thus, without raising a finger to direct the movement of 
events, our leaders were selected by an omnipotent democ- 
racy to occupy the seats of the mighty. 

fl Truly, no man is good enough to rule another without that 
other man's consent! Recast in terms of human experience, 
it would mean that we would go unruled; for no man yet has 
willingly selected his ruler, but has had dominion over him 
thrust upon him — even as Bismarck expressed his right to 
rule, backed by blood and iron. 

Such is human nature since the world began; otherwise why 
was Christ, the gentlest ruler of all time, brought to the 
tree; Socrates forced to drink the hemlock by the very wise 
justice of his day; and Columbus called a madman because 
he wished to rule men's minds with a new truth, showing 
clearly that the world is not square or flat, but round like 
a ball? 

fl Bismarck had the real clue — and forced his purpose 
through the power of his commanding personality. 

HUH 
29 
In spite of the dyke-captain's denunciation of 
French Constitutionalism, King Fr: Wm. IV 
marches with the Democrats! 
ft The uprising of '48 was primarily a students' demonstra- 
tion; the hot-bloods of the universities, aided by various 
political enthusiasts, were intent on doing something — and 



Bismarck Supports His King 115 

doing it right away. There had been a preliminary meeting 
at Heidelberg, and this led to the Frankfort Convention; 
600 disputatious delegates were going to build a liberal Ger- 
man constitution — at last! 

11 Thus, between 1815 and 1848 German Unity had been 
stimulated by a dozen causes, religious, commercial, literary, 
social — but the political lagged, for the fact is that about 
the last thing a man learns is to govern himself. 
There was a rising sense of National faith, as predicted by 
Arndt, the poet of German brotherhood; also the call of 
blood, based on language; likewise a deep yearning, as yet 
unsatisfied, for a constitutional form of government, as 
against the warring, insolent 39 states. 

If By 1848 there were Constitutions in 23 of the states; many 
of these documents illiberal to be sure; but nevertheless a 
step in representative government. 

tfBut the Germans are a peculiar people. They wish to 
refer everything to ultimate philosophical causes; hence the 
fruitless debates of the Frankfort Convention, in which all 
manner of prospective Constitutions were tried by the for- 
mal rules of philosophy and ethics. Such questions as "What 
is a Federal state?" were angrily debated, and the changes 
rung on "federation of states." 

Ill 
If After worlds of talking, unseen hands decided to offer to 
some powerful prince the German crown. How is that for 
democrats? William IV was the man selected. 
If Prodded by Bismarck, who was always explosive and satir- 
ical about democratic crowns, William spunkily refused to 
"pick a crown out of the gutter!" His dignity, as a Hohen- 
zollern was offended; but Bismarck was playing for larger 
stakes. William now went about canvassing the German 
princes for a crown; twenty-eight replied, one way or an- 
other; others, sticking to selfish interests, made no acknowl- 
edgment. 

If Now Bismarck, bellowing like a mastiff, set up the cry 
that if William accepted that democratic crown out of the 
Frankfort gutter, Prussia would become involved in civil 
war. And it was a fact! The old-line Prussian military 



n6 Blood and Iron 

aristocracy wanted no "democratic gold, from the gutter, 
melted down with their old aristocratic gold of Frederick 
the Great" — and as a matter of fact, could you blame them ? 
Were you there, at the time, and of the land-holding privi- 
leged class, you too would have been up in arms. 
II Get this straight: William's idea of "United Germany" 
simply meant that there should be a United Germany com- 
pounded of the thirty-nine clashing states, provided Wil- 
liam's beloved Prussia and not the detested Austria could 
front the movement. 

U Despite all the noble souls who write poetry on brother- 
hood (and Germany has her patriots, God knows!), the 
irony of fate is such that all human alignments of a polit- 
ical nature must at some stage be spattered with mud. 
UYou see, henceforth for a quarter of a century, the realiza- 
tion of this much-prized but elusive and seemingly impos- 
sible Unity was to become more and more a game of politics 
in which the stakes were kingdoms, principalities, riches and 
honors unnumbered. In all card-games the result is not 
known till the last card is played; and in the present case 
the game was to be protracted twenty-four years. Chips 
were flung about in huge stacks, now piled on the Austrian 
side, now on the Prussian; and finally, it was to break up 
in a fight, in which Prussia had to tip over the table, vio- 
lently seize the spoils, batter heads right and left, and beat 
off rival players with needle-guns. 

U Come, come, there is no need of claiming too much for 
human nature. The grand prize was to be gained, ulti- 
mately, by seizure! Even the sober, common-sense William 
I, to whom it finally fell to be crowned German Emperor, 
saw the true situation early, after the church-building Wil- 
liam IV had been gathered to his fathers. * You will hear 
more of that as we go along. 

When all intriguing, all card-stacking, all smiling, all smooth 
speeches no longer serve to conceal the real end of this 
amazing game of international politics, as between Prussia 
and Austria, then the thing to do is to bring on "blood and 
iron." The very human end that Bismarck always had in 
mind was German liberation and Unity, by driving the Na- 
tion's enemies beyond the borders. 



Bismarck Supports His King 117 

If The best title to lands, the surest, the most incontrovertible 
— let purists and pietists rage as they may — is the sharp 
edge of the sword. 
We shall see all that more clearly as the bloody years go by. 

M S H 
flln the critical year '48, democratic mobs chased that old 
aristocrat and king-maker Metternich out of Vienna. Hun- 
gary, Bohemia and other intervening principalities went mad 
with excitement about "Liberty!" South Germany was in a 
turmoil. 

William IV had again practically promised a Constitution, 
and had ordered the troops from Berlin; he placed a sign on 
his castle "National Property." At this time the king let slip 
these fateful words. "Prussia is to be dissolved in Germany!" 
Bismarck, pained beyond expression, sent a letter to the King, 
full of expressions of loyalty. The King kept the letter on 
his desk all summer. 

U The giant continued to protest. He now first used a sub- 
sidized press, called well-known men to write for the "North 
Prussian Gazette." 

For all this, he was dubbed "Junker," "Hot Head," "Eeaction- 
ary," but he thundered away like a battleship in action. 

m m m 

U The King was in the hands of the Liberals. Bismarck re- 
garded this as a frightful situation. Bismarck, of the Old 
Regime, stood by the landlords and the titled folk. He had 
prodigious pride of station, hated to see the King make a 
fool of himself about paper Constitutions. 
U In Berlin, along in March, there were amazing scenes. The 
democrats were crazy for blood; William shrank with horror 
against fighting his beloved Berliners. But this son, the fu- 
ture William I, who twenty-four years later was to gain the 
imperial German crown, was not so squeamish. The young 
prince gained the popular title "Cartridge-box prince," equiv- 
alent to saying that he was willing to blaze away at "be- 
loved Berliners," or at any other citizens insane with political 
excitements hazardous to "Divine-right." 
li It is true that on March 18th this romantic William IV did 



n8 Blood and Iron 

indeed enter into negotiations with the insurgents; and — 
think of the mortification to one of Bismarck's upper-class 
leanings! — did indeed do no less than wrap the German tri- 
color around his body and heading a democratic procession 
march around the streets, even going so far as to make a 
foolish speech in which he extolled the glories of the Ger- 
man democratic revolution. 

ft Here we might as well close the book, were it not for Bis- 
marck. The surly dog of a king's man flatly refused to vote 
"Aye!" in the Diet, where the hot-heads were intent on pass- 
ing resolutions "commending the King for his loyalty to 
democratic principles," in marching 'round town with the 
mob. Bismarck for the time being stood like a great mastiff 
at bay before wolves. 

His terrific speech upholding royal prerogative made his early 
and sudden fame. 

m m ' m 

'ft It is a fact that with all their political ambitions, and their 
solemn belief that Germany's political future was an open 
book, the Radicals in Prussia never guessed the way events 
were to turn out; nor for that matter the Radicals never de- 
sired the conquest of Germany by Prussia; therefore the sub- 
sequent astonishing rise of German Imperialism through 
Prussian domination, would have proved a most surprising 
revelation had the patriots of 1806 to 1848 returned from the 
other world, say in 1870, to view Prussia's rise to glory. 

H jgl H 

ft The political uprisings of 1848 had parallels in Italy, 

France, Spain, and Germany; and the excesses cleared the 

way for wiser action, in years to come. 

ft "The frenzy was a sort of tottering bridge between the 

French 1789-93 idea of democracy (that has to do with 

bloodshed and violence) and the purified conception expressed 

in modern constitutional democracy." 

ft The German democratic uprisings of 1820, '30 and '48 were 

planned to win a certain type of civil liberty. They failed. 

The question was "equality," as well as popular "machinery" 



Bismarck Supports His King 119 

of representation. How was it to be brought about ? Modern 
"parliamentarism" had not as yet been involved. 
ft The patriots of '48 had their Jacobin clubs in mild imita- 
tion of the French Revolution. Baden alone had 400, with a 
membership of 20,000. "Every tavern and brewery, (Dahl- 
inger, German Revolution of '49, p. 33), became a seat of 
democratic propaganda." 

See, there stands the mighty Hecker, 

A feather in his hat, 

There stands the friend of the people, 

Yearning for the tyrants' blood; 

Big boots with thick soles, 

Sword and pistol by his side. 
ft Copied from French models was the word "Citizen." We 
hear of Citizen Brentano, Citizen Franz Sigel, Citizen Osten- 
haus, Citizen Schimmelpfennig; some of these leaders were 
extremely radical; but Brentano endeavored to keep the 
Revolution from becoming a record of lawlessness after the 
French Revolution type. (Dahlinger, p. 100). 
We cannot go into the various battles fought and lost. 
Many of the leaders were exiled, others shot. The patriots 
were as a rule young collegians, ambitious to rise in life, but 
sincerely holding to modified conceptions of French Consti- 
tutionalism. There were a large number of journalists in 
the thick of the struggle, also professors in high schools. 
These chosen leaders, by various oratorical tricks, drew po- 
litical and social malcontents from every walk of life. 
ft In the end, Prussian troops put down the patriots. 

® M M 
ft In '48, all kings were under suspicion; it made no difference 
whether the king was a good king or a bad king; a king was 
a king, and all kings were bad. 

The younger generation, especially became morbid over the 
word "Liberty!" What it really meant, in '48, was that 
human nature should restrain itself, in order that all men 
might, immediately, enter into so-called God-given political 
rights. 
The situation was somewhat analogous to that created after 



120 Blood and Iron 

the Civil War, in the United States. Certain political fa- 
natics, weeping over the Negroes, now demanded universal 
suffrage, literally, for the slaves, and in secret saw that by 
controlling the South, a "Black Kepublic" might be set up, 
side by side with our "White Republic." 

fl Fraternity and equality — that was the cry in '48 — glossed 
over by politico-religious glamour, expressed in the idea that 
men "ought" do thus and so, and therefore "a people's king" 
was in order. The people were to crown themselves. 
For a thousand years the accepted political doctrine had been 
that kings held office by Divine-right, but now orators of the 
day harangued mobs proclaiming the literal belief that the 
voice of the people is the voice of God. 

While, thus, the new apostles ridiculed the old idea of Di- 
vine-right, as attached to the acts of monarch, leaders of the 
people saw no inconsistency in asserting attributes of po- 
litical divinity in the doings of the common people. Thus, 
a species of nebulous politico-religious humanism was pic- 
tured as the highest expression of political philosophy. 
The individual wished to come into his own and the quicker 
the better. Reformers shocked landed proprietors, titled 
folk and office-holders under kings, by demanding uncondi- 
tional surrender of the machinery of government; zealots 
urged revolts against all manner of constituted authority. 
The point was to gain for the barber, the tailor, the shoe- 
maker and the blacksmith more life, more political experi- 
ence, more freedom of choice — and right on the next tick 
of the clock! 

H There is this about it : that the Frankfort Convention of- 
fered to William IV the "People's Crown" as a direct symbol 
of belief in political idealism, not necessarily, however, the 
political idealism that tolerates a king but instead uses him 
as a popular signboard. 

The Convention held that German unity "ought by right" to 
be established; therefore "once the grand Idea was set 
afloat" the cause "must by moral right come to pass." 
fl Probably never before in the world was there formulated 
an outright, wide-spread expression of greater political 
idealism by men who called themselves patriots. There is a 



Bismarck Supports His King 121 

noble side to the sentiment, heightened the more as we real- 
ize the inevitable delusion of it all, translated into terms of 
human selfishness. 

Germany, so the zealots proclaimed, should by blood and 
language be united; and in this respect orators of the hour 
were correct. 

Germany had a manifest destiny, the speakers continued, 
but in this respect they were guided by faith rather than 
by experience. At least, the momentary end of "manifest 
destiny" was clearly the political function; to be one and 
united. 
fi So far good. 

I B 1 

U Then why "should not" this noble German Idea be "ac- 
cepted" ? The word Idea was usually presented with a capi- 
tal letter, in form of personification, so real had the thing 
become to German political orators. 

Certainly every German was ready to testify that National 
Unity had been the one political dream of generations past 
and gone. 

Had not the old wandering minstrels sung of the Father- 
land, alas, too long delayed by miserable human selfishness ! 
German bull-headedness insisted on insularity, on individual- 
ism, on particularism, on standing each petty monarch in 
his corner, with farce-comedy courtiers bowing and scraping 
while the rights of the peasant were forgotten. Assuredly, 
the day had come for this folly to cease. Then in Heaven's 
name, why not a United Germany — here and now? 

m m m 

UThe petty passions of rival princes acted as a bar to the 

acceptance of the glorious National Idea, spelled with the 

big "I." 

Intense particularisms preferred loyalty to local princes, 

fashions, customs, dialects rather than to lose the old ways 

in the larger life of the German Nation. 

U But Bismarck did not lose heart. 



122 Blood and Iron 



CHAPTER IX 



g>0 Mutty % Wqxbz far 2*ttgrtet 

30 
We will never get at Bismarck through a study of 
the interplay of politics; suppose we state his case 
in terms of human nature? 

fi From this time on, the shelves are freighted with volume 
after volume of German political jargon, forming a bewil- 
dering diagonal of forces crossing and recrossing in thou- 
sands the tangled threads. Bismarck's presence runs 
throughout, but it is a long and complex story, hard to com- 
prehend and difficult to compress without sacrificing import- 
ant details. 

U We find "Grand Germans" against "Petty Germans"; 
Grimm, the philologist, has his say against Simson, the jur- 
ist; Arndt, the poet, against Welcker, the publicist; the 
Frankfort parliament offering its paper crown to the King 
of Prussia, imploring him to become a democratic liberator 
and unifier; and on the other hand we hear Bismarck in the 
Berlin Diet, urging the king to stand firm for the Old Re- 
gime; arks of free-speech from Polish insurgents, also ill- 
advised youth waving banners of blood; mobs in the Berlin 
streets, whiffs of grapeshot here and there to clear the air; 
John of Austria urging something and the Prince Consort of 
England advising, post-haste, the kings of Prussia, Bavaria, 
Saxony and Wuertemberg; the Assembly manufacturing 
Magna Chartas, after noisy clashes of opinion. 
fl "There is not enough practical sense behind all," says Bis- 
marck, "to build a political chicken-coop, to say nothing of an 
empire." Then, the patriots, so-called, leave for America, 
worn out with waiting for some new freedom set down on 
paper; and of the motley crew, not one is sufficiently wise, 
or strong enough to make head or tail of the complex situa- 
tion. Barricades are thrown up, artillery plays upon the 
mobs, and general blood-letting follows; thousands of lives 
are snuffed out, to be charged up as advance sacrifices 
for political cohesion. Hapsburger against Hohenzollern, 



Bismarck Supports His King 123 

Protestant against Catholic, Ultramontanes beholding the 
reign of Anti-Christ; Guelphs and Wittelsbachs, protesting 
their own peculiar and ancient lineage against self-seeking 
latter-day upstart aristocrats! 
H And the problem grew darker as the months went by. 

ill 
fiYou may read till you are dizzy and then stand back and 
try to get a bird's-eye view of the complicated quarrels of 
the Diet; the vagaries of Frankfort or Berlin; the brawls 
of this poet, that student, editor, publicist, or princeling; 
with soldiers of fortune hovering around waiting, like vul- 
tures that have already a whiff of the carrion, from afar. 
Instead of a bird's-eye, the incoherent mass of details comes 
piecemeal, and you get the toad's-eye view; — till we apply 
the simple idea that behind it all is elemental human nature, 
with politics as a mere frame to the picture, 
fl Look on Bismarck at this moment as one dealing with 
forces of human nature, the clash of many minds, ending by 
dominating over one and all, years hence, through his own 
inherent sagacity as a human being against other and 
weaker members of his kind — and we get at once a signifi- 
cant conception of the greatness of Bismarck's mentality, 
also of his innate craft, enabling him to triumph over a 
thousand oblique forces, many of them firmly entrenched, 
and from a logical point fully as defensible as were his own 
peculiar conceptions. 

fl It was not, after all, what this man or that prince or some 
other ruler thought, but what Bismarck thought, that turned 
the balance. 

A hundred instances could be offered to show that the men 
Bismarck was fighting had the better part of the argument, 
as mere argument; but between opinion and making that 
opinion stick is a wide gulf — however logical may be the 
argument. 

11 Bismarck was for the ensuing twenty years pictured as a 
noisy disturber, but he was shrewd, very shrewd. He could 
call a man "liar," "thief," "scoundrel," "impostor," in virile 
speechmaking, or could pass him up with a shrug, all the 
while keeping a cold eye on the main chance, and in the end 



124 Blood and Iron 

getting his own way because he was strong enough to get 
his way — and that is all the logic there is in the situation. 



31 

This miracle he did indeed perform; he turned back 
the political clock to feudal days and gloriously set 
up "Divine-right," in the face of the intensely 
modern cry, "Let the People Rule!" 

fl Bismarck's amazing career affords a classical instance of 

what a strong man can do, even against the very spirit of 

his time! 

So much the worse for that Zeitgeist! The jade had to come 

to him, at last, completely subdued, as in the "Taming of the 

Shrew." 

flAs King's Man, Bismarck now preached "Divine-right" 

in an age of democratic ideas. 

Thrones were falling everywhere; the inflammatory ideas 

of the French Revolution had wrested from monarchs the 

form, if not the substance, of constitutional liberties for the 

masses. 

The people were clamoring for they knew not what; at any 

rate for some new experiment in the quest for happiness, 

which they believed could be attained through new forms of 

government. Bismarck fought the new order, and as late as 

A. D. 1870, restated the seemingly worn-out doctrine of 

"Divine-right." How did he accomplish this political 

miracle ? 

fiA strong leader, by tireless repetition of some idea, finally 

brings about faith in that idea. It does not follow that this 

leader must necessarily be wiser than the masses. It is 

always his will to power, rather than the inherent validity 

of his ideas. 

II First, he stands alone with his idea, whatever it may be. 

Finally, one person is convinced? This is the beginning. 

Well, if one, why not two, then ten, then a hundred, or a 

thousand, or ten thousand? 

fiAnd so the wonder grows. 

T[ At last, our stubborn man with the idea is believed! He now 



Bismarck Supports His King 125 

has his long-awaited day to prove the force of his contribu- 
tion to human welfare. 

fl There is a species of religious glamour over the old man's 
basic conception of respect for kings. The word king, for 
Bismarck, spells faith in discipline, obedience, loyalty to 
chosen leader — as against excesses sure to follow in turn- 
ing over the Government to the rabble, according to the 
idea of the French Revolution. There is this condition to be 
made here: that Bismarck undoubtedly leaned as far in one 
direction as the old-line French Revolutionists did in an- 
other; Bismarck was an extremist no less than Danton, 
Marat, Robespierre. But there is also this distinction, in 
Bismarck's favor: He was a great constructive statesman 
and the French agitators turned out to be but assassins and 
political fools. 

HWe spare no one in this analysis, neither Bismarck nor 
Robespierre. Therefore, we boldly, here and now, call your 
attention to a certain strange fallacy in all political ideals. 
fl The people expect some new form, or change of govern- 
ment, to make them happy and free. The machinery of 
legislation is the thing. It is proclaimed the great leveler. 
]f Thus men eagerly try all manner of political enterprises, 
believing that ultimately in some plan of government, social 
equality will result. In the light of the anomaly that in 
spite of our efforts, we persist in reverence for "the good 
old" days, as against the iniquities of the moment, it is clear 
that either we deceive ourselves, or are forever wandering 
about in a fool's paradise. 

ass 

If Bismarck at least does not justify cynical damnation. He 
was intensely human, and so was the King of Prussia. It is 
playing with race prejudice to call Prussia, after the French 
fashion, "That robber Prussia." 

If Nations act as do men individually, are swayed by forms 
of pride, passion and prejudice. If every nation that robbed 
or stole should return its loot of land, to whom would it ulti- 
mately go? 

If The United States would not, at least, now be in possession 
of California. But for that matter, the Spaniards stole her 



126 Blood and Iron 

from the Indians, and the Indians from the Aztecs, and the 
Aztecs from we know not whom. Always then, history justi- 
fies herself with the will to power — as manifested by the 
strongest ! 

fi Take it by and large, this miracle he did indeed perform : 
He turned back the political clock of Time to Feudal days, 
and gloriously set up "Divine-right," in the face of the in- 
tensely modern cry, "Let the people rule!" 



32 

Secret chamber in this strange man's heart; the 
master at work for United Germany. 

IJThe great Bismarck, during his long and turbulent career, 
as a rule refused to remain loyal to party affiliations. 
The moment a party-theory no longer seemed expedient, the 
Prussian Junker reckoned neither on political friendship nor 
on political antipathy. 

His whole life, he was engaged in endeavoring to persuade 
others to adopt his policies, regardless of the fact that op- 
posed policies might be supported by as much if not even by 
more logic. Bismarck always justified his opportunism by 
saying that his sense of duty was superior to his private 
feelings of love or hate; however, his attitude was uniformly 
directed for or against conditions in proportion as, to his 
mind, they were charged with good or evil for his beloved 
Prussia. 

Although one of the world's greatest among amiable despots, 
Bismarck always held himself to be at once free from preju- 
dice and under the hand of God. Even on this high ground, 
it would still be easy to show (by many startling episodes in 
Bismarck's career) well-nigh innumerable changes of front 
that, to the average mind, must pass as inconsistencies. 
Tf Get clearly in mind, then, this giant's political attitudes of 
gross contradiction, as between promise and performance — 
otherwise we will miss the essence of Bismarck's genius as 
a statesman and his peculiar glory as a man large enough 
to stand beside Caesar. 



Bismarck Supports His King 127 

jj Now here is the master-key, unlocking every door in the 
secret chambers of his heart: Bismarck, all his long life, kept 
himself in power by his consummate knowledge of human 
nature. 

Shakespeare dealt with men, on paper, making them march 
this way or that at the behest of his immortal genius. 
Bismarck dealt with men in the open arena of life, had no 
way of controlling their actions except by the inspiration of 
his own practical, constructive genius. 

It is one thing to control a man's actions, on paper; wholly 
another — and a greater triumph, is it not? — to master man's 
ways in the market place, making those around you do not 
necessarily what they think they ought, but do what you 
wish. 

Thus in some senses Bismarck appears in the figure of the 
superman; for there is absolutely no question that on many 
occasions he forced strong men to do his bidding, squarely 
against their individual preferences! 

flThis huge bulk, this deep-drinking, gluttonous Bismarck, 
this world-defying voice, raged and stormed through his 
eighty-three years of life — making little men's souls shrink 
in fear — and ever the essence of his genius was for align- 
ments with men, or against them, using this human clay ulti- 
mately for his own peculiar ends, as the potter molds the 
mud. He knew too that despite the old German family and 
tribal feuds, the Germans are brothers; standing apart it is 
true at this hour, fighting each other; yet the day is to come 
when Bismarck will triumph in his Germany, one and united. 
It mattered not, he would make friends with his deadly 
enemy, if such a step seemed advisable to carry out that 
cherished plan for a free and united Germany. 
If he could not bend men to his will by logic, he tried flat- 
tery, and if that failed he threatened war, and the war came, 
too, but not till Bismarck was good and ready. He took his 
own time, made preparations that defied disaster, then moved 
forward and swept his enemies off the face of the earth. 
HThus, there was always evidences of peculiar precaution, 
even in Bismarck's boldest strokes. He never forgot himself, 



128 Blood and Iron 

never did things by halves. It might take a week or a year, 
or ten years, that mattered not to Bismarck; in the end, he 
would bring his wishes to pass. He never courted failure 
by hastening with some incomplete plan; but with the cer- 
tainty of Fate, Bismarck abided his time. Obliged to sur- 
mount tremendous obstacles, often set back, in the end he 
carried everything by force before him. 

fl We are here reminded of those vast fields of snow seem- 
ingly in a state of dead rest, in the higher Alps, through 
many winters still secretly gaining bulk and encroaching inch 
by inch all unobserved upon the doomed valley below; then, 
at the dropping of a mere pebble, the ice begins to slide, 
nor does the dread avalanche pause for the sobs of the dying. 
So behind Bismarck's amazing preparedness his oft-times 
long deferred but inevitable destruction of his enemies seems 
to be something that he borrows from the avalanche. It 
is at once massive and inexorable, the power given to but 
few master-spirits in the history of the world. 
U In political acumen, in administrative and executive capa- 
city Bismarck measures up with Caesar. The smallest facts 
about such as Bismarck are of more than ordinary interest. 
Too much time cannot be spent on this great character, in 
an endeavor to understand the secret springs of his mighty 
powers. 

Aside from the mere biographic outlines of his career, the 
man presents, in himself, a study that deserves all the 
thought that can be put on it — in an effort to set forth the 
realism of his mighty life. 

ill 

33 

Bismarck shows himself master at quelling a meet- 
ing, checking a mob, stamping out a rebellion, and 
heading off a king. 

]f And after the Frankfort radicals found themselves unable 
to make Bismarck pick the German crown "out of the gut- 
ter," they turned and tried to establish — what do you think? 
— a republic! 
By Autumn, the forces of Revolution spent themselves and 



Bismarck Supports His King 129 

Metternich drove the rebels before him, as the hurricane 
blows chaff. Order was re-established in Vienna and in the 
Italian states. 

The uncompromising Metternich restored the "Old Diet," 
originally ordered by the Congress of Vienna, 1815, as the 
one authentic source of political legitimacy for the clashing 
German states. It was a clever Austrian by-play. 

m m m 

U We now return to Berlin. In May, the blood-letting was 
over, but no prospect of political reform seemed immediately 
possible. 

Bismarck began using what might be called underground 
methods to head off the demand for that long-promised demo- 
cratic Constitution. 

If Already the King began to see more clearly. It struck him 
that this brazen-faced giant might be useful, later on. Had 
not Bismarck said in his now widely quoted speech: "Soon 
or late, the God who directs the battle will cast his iron 
dice!" It gave His Majesty courage! 

If The King looked to right and left, dissolved one Diet after 
the other, till he had one to suit him. Otto nudged his King. 
That momentary weakness of marching with the democrats 
was something His Majesty wished to forget! 
If Bismarck's position must be clearly set forth. He was no 
mere reactionary, brandishing his fists at new leaders, who 
favored the common people. He knew all about this liberty, 
equality and fraternity business, from across the Vosges — 
and he despised the cure-all. 

Here is the idea in a few words : Bismarck was not fighting 
political liberalism, as an end; instead, he protested with his 
giant's strength at the implied destruction of the Old Regime. 
If He laid the revolt largely to the bureaucratic system, which 
he characterized as "The animal with the pen!" 
He stood fast by his good old Prussian dogma, as outlined 
in "I am a Prussian!" paralleling "Rule Britannia," and 
other national hymns. 

The song is sung with wild martial vigor, akin to the furious 
appeal of ancient Polish melodies: 



130 Blood and Iron 

I am a Prussian! see my colors gleaming — 

The black- white standard floats before me free; 
For Freedom's rights, my fathers' heart-blood streaming, 

Such, mark ye, mean the black and white to me! 
Shall I then prove a coward? I'll e'er be marching forward! 
Though day be dull, though sun shine bright on me, 
I am a Prussian, will a Prussian be! 

Sixteen years later, when endeavoring with all his strength 
to bring about German National unity, his "Prussians we are 
and Prussians we will remain" was used against him with 
mocking effect. 

m m m 

fl By October, nerves were steadied. The King sent Gen. 
Wangrel to occupy Berlin and disperse the radicals — with 
cannon, if necessary. 

That speech has the right sound; but William has before 
this veered around many times, like a weather-vane, and may 
he not shift again? 

For the instant, he stood for the Old Regime and Divine- 
right. 

^fThe following month William appointed Brandenberg, an 
old-line Prussian aristocrat, Prime Minister. The siege of 
Berlin was declared; the Assembly protested but finally gave 
in. Along in December, without consulting the Assembly, 
William invited the states to send delegates to Berlin and 
made an alliance of three kings — Prussia, Saxony and Han- 
over. 
U What is going to happen next ? 

m m m 

34 

At last the people have a share in their govern- 
ment, but Bismarck sees to it that the radicals are 
not favored. 

tf William's "Tri-regal alliance" failed as fail it must on 
account of jealousies. Then Wuertemberg replied with a 
"quadruple" affair, composed of herself, Hanover, Bavaria 



Bismarck Supports His King 131 

and Saxony, side by side, under a constitution acceptable to 
Austria. Quite a stroke, that. 

In turn, William set up his Erfurt parliament, March 20, 
1850. Bismarck was fast becoming a "practical politician." 
Through deft stacking of the cards, the radical delegates 
drew only the low cards, and the Kreuz-Zeitung crowd and 
other ultra-conservatives were well supplied with aces and 
kings. 

Bismarck naturally urged more concessions to the Prussian 
spirit; he tried also to muzzle the press gallery, calling 
newspapers "fire-bellows of democracy." 

Later, he even started newspapers for his political purposes. 
In this he was not inconsistent, merely logical; his attitude 
was based on the fact that, at this particular time, he felt 
called on to fight hostile editors; but made terms wherever 
it seemed worth while. Such was the man's discriminating 
glance. 

II The Erfurt "tongue tournament" Bismarck called the 
whole affair. He did not oppose the King's position in this 
matter, because, as Bismarck said, "it makes no difference." 
He spoke contemptuously of the mystical high-flown 
speeches. Its "Constitution" was quickly forgotten! 
tf Bismarck's course would have been made somewhat easier 
had he not openly refused to sit with President Simpson, 
at the Erfurt convention, denouncing the President as "a 
converted Jew!" 

flThe convention broke up, to meet again in Berlin, where 
a Prussian Constitution was drawn up. 

U Events moved rapidly. Austria now stood forth for re- 
sumption of authority by the Old Diet, established by the 
Congress of Vienna, while from Berlin one heard of a plan 
for a "restricted union." 

Talk, talk, talk. Finally, in September, 1850, Austria in- 
vited Prussia to a seat in the Old Diet. Prussia refused, and 
the cat was out of the bag. 

It meant that German Unity must come through Prussian 
supremacy and Austrian humiliation — otherwise all might 
well be forgotten. 






132 Blood and Iron 

But Austria was by no means so easily disposed of. There 
was much life and fighting blood in her yet! 
fl Bismarck's opinions during his years of preparation were, 
on the whole, unchanging, though often presented in differ- 
ent dress. In 1848, he bitterly objected to the King's soft- 
ness in recalling his troops from Berlin, instead of definitely 
crushing the March rebellions; in '49, he stood steadily beside 
the King in refusing the people's crown, from Frankfort; in 
1850, he deplored the Prussian diplomatic defeat at Olmuetz, 
but swallowed his mortification because he saw that Prussia 
was not ready to strike; "and he thereon assisted in recon- 
ciling his party to a policy which he deplored." 
This situation convinced Bismarck that the first duty of a 
Prussian statesman is to strengthen the army, "that the 
King's opinions can be upheld at home; likewise backed by 
the mailed fist, Prussian authority will be respected abroad." 
U "My idea," he says in his Memoirs, "was that we ought 
to prepare for war, but at the same time to send an ulti- 
matum to Austria, either to accept our conditions in the 
German question, or to look out for our attack." 

[Kl II IS 

U Thus out of the Revolution of 1848, Prussia emerged with 
a written Constitution, establishing a legislative assembly 
and giving the people a share in their government. 
fi Bismarck's inconsistencies ? Yes, by the score, but he was 
playing a deep game of politics, for his King, and for his 
beloved German Unity. Always, you must understand, that 
Bismarck scorned the political Millennium alleged to have 
been brought in by the French Revolution; with the political 
ideas from over the Vosges Bismarck would have nothing to 
do. That old war-cry "the people" made him sick! He be- 
lieved in discipline and not in mob-rule. But he would not 
rush unprepared into the war. 

H It is a fact that, in 1850, Prussia had cause for war far 
more just than that on which she seized in 1866. But Bis- 
marck made his famous anti-war speech! 
U "Woe to the statesman who does not look about for a rea- 
son for the war that will be valid, when the war is over!" 
were his astonishing sentiments. 
fiWhat he really meant was that Prussia was not just then 



Bismarck Supports His King 133 

ready to fight; hence, he painted war as detestable; later 
on, however, we shall see how he looks upon war, when 
Prussia is ready! 

ff Prussia, through her political endorsement of the people 
(1850) did not suddenly become a Parliamentary state, de- 
spite William's new Constitution. Broad privileges were 
granted, but Prussia remained an absolute monarchy. While 
there was henceforth to be a certain restricted cooperation 
between Crown and Crowd, the Divine-right theory that had 
come down through the ages was not weakened or its author- 
ity compromised; in short, by conciliating certain hostile 
popular elements, led by fire-breathing first-cousins of the 
French Revolutionists, a large part of the hated Liberal pro- 
gramme was done away with, in turn consolidating the 
power of the Prussian kings. 

If This situation also defines the political evolution essential 
before Germany could become a Nation. Despite various 
historians, Germany could not at this hour have proclaimed 
herself a Republic. 

U Bismarck realized more and more, as he grew in experience 
and power, that the Germans were sick unto death of polit- 
ical experiments; they wanted unity, as a matter of course, 
but by unity they really meant a head to the National house; 
a strong father, to advise, protect and punish his children. 
The parallel extends to the German idea of National rule; 
thoroughness, efficiency, discipline take the place of political 
expediency, job-holding for the mere sake of job-holding; in 
church, in state and in family life the idea of a great central 
Authority alone satisfies the German mind. 
fl Thus, the German conception of a Nation is intensely prac- 
tical; the state is not merely an aggregation of office-holders, 
but the state is primarily a vast institution, efficiently ad- 
ministered by the best minds, and these servants of the 
people are instantly responsible to the great central author- 
ity, whose power of removal for cause may be exercised as 
the father corrects his children, for the good of the family. 

H H M 
If To these fundamental ideas, based on the soul of the Ger- 
man people, Bismarck now addressed himself for many years 



134 Blood and Iron 

to come. He knew what the German race demands; his 
analysis was psychologically correct, although few patriots 
of '48 could see it that way. 

m m m 

fl As his years of apprenticeship pass, Bismarck carries on 
his mission in a new way: is decided to lead Prussia to the 
conquest of Germany; is done with political platform-mak- 
ing except in so far as the alignments of politics lend them- 
selves to his final purpose. 

If With political instinct for gigantic projects carried out with 
realism, the King's Man now determined the bold outlines 
of his National policy. 

He did not worry about details: these he would fill in, as 
time passed; but he would on one side hold fast to German 
National unity and on the other side would sustain Prussian 
kingcraft as the very voice of God for Germany; one of Bis- 
marck's strongest ideas was that the King of Prussia was 
the vicegerent of Christ on this earth. In short, Germany 
must come through Prussian supremacy, and incidentally 
exalt Prussian supremacy, otherwise it might not come at all. 

m m m 

flTo clear William's Divine-right once for all, so far as our 
story goes, let it be known that German historians have 
always laid stress on the respect of Teutonic tribesmen, from 
ancient days, for the leadership of a strong fighting man. 
Tacitus, the earliest writer of importance, detailing the lives 
of Teutonic tribes, sets forth that it was the custom of 
the German warriors in times of crises to select their strong 
man and endow him with the power of rulership; looking to 
him in turn to lead the tribe to war against the common 
enemy. This reliance upon kings who were also powerful 
war lords continuing through the centuries, satisfied the fun- 
damental aspirations of the Germans in their will to military 
power; but as the generations passed the old story of human 
nature was proved anew, that is to say, what begins as a 
"privilege" ends as a "demanded right." On the side of the 
kings, was now proclaimed more loftily than ever that mon- 
archy is the voice of God. 



BOOK THE FOURTH 

Blood is Thicker than Water 

CHAPTER X 

BatvuttB in Pnltttra 

35 

Perfecting himself in political intrigue and in vitu- 
perative debating, also in caustic letter- writing; 
all is necessary grist for the Bismarck mill. 

If We come now to the year 1851. 

fiThe entrance of Emperor Francis Joseph, at this time, on 
the politico-military stage of Austria was followed by still 
another era of political reaction; the Liberal Austrian con- 
stitution, wrested during the riots, was revoked; as were 
also those Democratic constitutions pledged for almost every 
German state. 

ft The Germanic Confederation, with political legitimacy 
vested in the curious Frankfort Parliament, again took the 
field. It was an Austrian plan to get the advantage of 
Prussia. 

If "If I do not do well, you can recall me," Bismarck told 
William. The King decided in his extremity to hazard the 
appointment of the unknown Bismarck, as Prussian delegate 
to Frankfort. William remembered those bold "White 
Saloon" speeches. 

1JNow get this straight: Bismarck was a land-owner of 
ancient days; estates won by the sword had been in the Bis- 
marck family for 600 years; nay, the Bismarcks traced their 
knighthood to the far-distant year 1200. The force of this 
appeal in the blood was at once profound and irresistible. 
If Bismarck to the day he died was always an Alt Mark vas- 
sal to his liege lord and master, the Margrave of Branden- 
burg, the King of Prussia. So much is clear. 

(13s) 



136 Blood and Iron 

Bismarck was also much more than this. We repeat, he 
was a leader of men. The King of Prussia could command 
old families in scores if not in hundreds, to support the An- 
cient Regime, socially and politically, but where find that 
rare man, a born leader for the cause ? 

U Duty and self-interest prompted Bismarck to hold up the 
royal hand, but after all is said, the vital force of Bismarck's 
endorsement was found in the man's genius for leadership. 
It was not so much the cause as it was the man. For had 
Bismarck gone over to the other side the history of Germany 
would have been vastly different. 

Tl This Frankfort parliament, a hydra-headed political crea- 
tion dedicated to liberty, was in secret doing the purposes 
of Austrian plutocracy and reaction; it was to be the last 
stand of the Old Regime, against Democracy. 
But it was necessary to move with cautious foot. The sap- 
pers were at work under the thrones, and at any instant the 
mines might be touched off. 

fl Bismarck thus, quite by accident, finds himself the repre- 
sentative of William IV, in Frankfort Diet or Bundestag, the 
political Punch and Judy show originally set up by Metter- 
nich, in 1815, to rule the quarreling thirty-nine German 
states. Their intense individualism was such that Metter- 
nich, who dominated at the Congress of Vienna, after the 
downfall of Napoleon, did not know what was best. 
All other parts of Europe, and even the islands of the seas 
had been reassigned, but no human being could tell what 
to do with the turbulent thirty-nine German states. 
fl "Here, then, was a mysterious 'Court of Chance,' where 
things dragged on for years, a political circumlocution office, 
hopelessly bound by its own interminable seals, parchments 
and red tape." 

The secret object was to do nothing that would not favor 
Austria; with the idea that, in the end, the devious course 
of politics would bring Austria final control of the German 
lands, everywhere. 

fl It was in this absurd Parliament that Bismarck was to 
perfect himself in political intrigue. Frankfort made no 



Blood Is Thicker Than Water 137 

organic laws; these were mysteriously settled at Vienna; the 
meetings of the Diet were held in secret; at best, the voting 
was along lines that gave to Austria and not to Prussia the 
deciding voice. 

m m m 

Hit did not take Bismarck long to find that at Frankfort 
the King of Prussia was but a cipher. Furthermore, what 
raised Bismarck's ire was the impotence of the Parliament. 
Frankfort had been unable to put down the blood-letting of 
'48, and Bismarck detested weakness of any kind, mental, 
physical or spiritual. 

He was, and always remained, a profound extremist; but his 
position was tempered by massive common sense, 
ft The world dearly loves a flunkey — and flunkeyism was uni- 
versal at Frankfort. 

The many members fluttered about in gay military dress, 
wore stars of sham authority, gold crosses, medals dangling 
from bright ribbons. 

Names prefixed by count, duke, margrave — crests on the 
coach door and Latin mottoes — hyphenated family names, 
indicated all manner of political marriages de convenience. 
Bestarred gentlemen, one and all, if you please! 
fl Bismarck wrote home soon enough, for he was choking with 
anger, not on account of the aristocratic airs of Frankfort 
(for Bismarck dearly loved a title), but choking with anger 
because his beloved King of Prussia was a Nobody in this 
crazy Parliament. "I find them a drowsy, insipid set of 
creatures, only endurable when I appear among them as so 
much pepper," are his sarcastic words. 

Ill 
flHad Bismarck not been a diplomat, he might have made 
his mark as a radical writer. His letters very often show 
almost anarchistic dissent. At vulgar characterization, no 
man could outsnarl Bismarck. 

Also this Pomeranian giant's correspondence at times fairly 
stinks with frightful smells. When in these black moods, 
he released nasty fumes around the heads of rivals. 
We are surprised, likewise, -to find growing in the mire of 



138 Blood and Iron 

his thoughts, here and there, violets worthy of the poet 
Freiligrath. The man's power to be poetical or insulting, as 
he willed, is indeed as strange as it is rare. 
If Bismarck's pen pictures of fellow ambassadors — how they 
flirted, danced, drank to excess, their maudlin ideas of gov- 
ernment, although regarding themselves as veritable political 
seers — show the powerful satirical and analytical side of 
Bismarck's brain. 

And although Bismarck mocked with sardonic immensity his 
colleagues, yet with an under-play worthy of the Devil, our 
Otto proceeded to make these owlish and absurd gentlemen 
puppets in the hands of Prussia. 

11 Alas, time does not permit us to set forth the charming 
letters Bismarck writes home. There is that moonlight swim 
in the Danube; the interview with Metternich, the old war- 
horse of kings; the gypsy ball and the weird fiddling 
gypsies; his visits to robber-infested parts of Hungary, mak- 
ing the trip in part in a peasant's cart, "loaded pistols in the 
straw at our feet, and near by a company of lanciers carry- 
ing cocked carbines, against the imminent visits of robber 
bands." 

He describes how he visited Ostend, going sea-bathing at 
that famous resort; rambling on through Holland, smok- 
ing a long clay pipe; then on to Sweden for the shooting; 
next to Russia for wild boars. 

ft His letters often have a lyrical quality, telling of water- 
falls of the Pyrenees, the fascinating fairyland of Mendels- 
sohn, dark-eyed Spanish beauties, open-air concerts, London 
garroters, old musty houses with peculiar smells, or what 
you will. Bismarck dwells often on eating and drinking; 
and in one letter from Paris speaks of a dinner at which he 
drank St. Julien, Lafitte Branne, Mouton, Pichon, Larose, 
Latour, Margaux, and Arneillac! 

II These, and hundreds of other letters comprise charming 
interludes between black moods of political intrigue, wherein 
he used his vitrolic pen to lampoon his beribboned, bejeweled 
farce-comedy fellow-ambassadors. 

If "Germany is tied together with red tape," writes Bismarck 
at this stage of his political apprenticeship, at Frankfort; 
and he hit the nail on the head. 



Blood Is Thicker Than Water 139 

Tj Promise yourself a delightful month reading Bismarck's 
four octavo volumes telling of his change of heart toward 
Austria, as shown little by little in Frankfort dispatches, 
documents and proceedings, interspersed with satiri- 
cal stories in Bismarck's extremely individualistic style. 
Throughout, you receive glimpses of the man's great mind. 
No less an authority than the Herr Prof, von Sybel tells us 
of these Bismarck writings, bearing on the formation of the 
German Empire: "They possess a classic worth, unsurpassed 
by the best German prose writers of any age." 

ffl M M 
36 
Applying Socratic methods to game of politics; Bis- 
marck's bold and masterful preparations for German 
unity. 
fl Now then, during these years 1851-'61, Bismarck was doing 
two things: Perfecting himself in the dastardly art of po- 
litical intrigue; likewise, he was going about like a modern 
Socrates, talking with men of high or low degree everywhere; 
studying what might be called the human nature side of the 
German problem of unity and nationality; studying it, not 
in an aimless way, but to mould men to his own gigantic 
political ends, when the right time arrived. 
fl Thus, with the stiff wind of adverse political affairs straight 
in his teeth, remember that Bismarck's great strength was 
always his knowledge of men. 

During the years of which we now write he made it his busi- 
ness to visit the various petty German courts, to gaze on 
princelings who would be kings; busied himself with court 
gossip till he found out the inner political jealousies. 
Thus fortified, Bismarck knew the one man or woman to 
touch in the various parts of Germany, to help along Prus- 
sian ambition — when the supreme moment to strike had come 
at last. 

U This supreme moment he awaited with diabolical patience 
through the slow-going years. 

No human being could hasten or retard Bismarck's ultimate 
victory; for he remained the one truly masterful man in 
Europe. 



140 Blood and Iron 

He sat at gambling tables, he wheedled secrets from the 
prostitutes of princes; he stood by and egged on human dog- 
fights; he took part in church-rows about doctrines; he had 
inside glimpses of the venality of Austrian kept-press- 
writers, "the scum of the earth," he calls them, "who sell 
opinions as the petty merchant sells butter and eggs." Bis- 
marck seemed to be the only man in Europe who really was 
able to grasp the solution of the German problem. 
flAlso, the granite soil of his heart is shown again and 
again. What a hater he was! 

For example, refusing to go to Mass for the repose of 
Schwarzenberg's soul, Bismarck gave the reason: "He is the 
man who said: 'I will abuse Prussia and then abolish her.' " 

m h m 

1] You see, our Otto is one of those uncomfortable Germans 
who in his own amazing personality expresses the National 
ideal of earnestness; Otto is frightfully in earnest in his 
cups, or over his half dozen eggs for breakfast — as you 
please. He frightens timid souls. 

fl His temper few men could curb, much less sit calmly by 
and receive without retiring in bad order. Incident after in- 
cident at Frankfort might be cited, but what is the use? 
If With fiendish earnestness Bismarck plotted to break the 
bones of two democratic editors whose writings threw the 
Prussian mastiff into periodical black rages. Bismarck jus- 
tified his cruelty by insisting that "bounds must be set for 
these infamous press scribblings." He means that attacks 
on the Divine-right of kings must at all hazards be choked off. 
He always hated journalists, called the press "a poisoned 
well," and as for himself he is on record to this effect: "I 
always approached the ink-bottle with great caution." 
If But mark this well : Our Otto, in his turn, craftily used the 
press to present the smooth side of his own political intrigu- 
ing; indeed he had his very valuable Prussian press bureau; 
and we have authority for the statement that the Bis- 
marckian idea of journalism was to have "hireling scribes 
well in hand, men who stabbed like masked assassins and 
mined like mobs." 
fl During the decade we call Bismarck's apprenticeship, 1851- 



Blood Is Thicker Than Water 141 

'61, he was thus engaged: 1851, envoy at Frankfort Diet; 
1852, Prussian ambassador at Vienna, during the illness of 
Count Arnim; St. Petersburg, 1859; Paris, 1862. 
Thus, he had an opportunity to get acquainted with all the 
leading diplomatists on the European chessboard, to study 
them in their own haunts, and to perfect himself in play- 
ing with pitch without blackening his hands. 
U Bismarck told Francis Joseph, "I am firm to put an end 
to the attacks on Prussia in the Austrian press!" 
This boldness won the Emperor, and in confidence he re- 
marked to a friend: "Ah, that I had a man of Bismarck's 
audacity." 

flAlso, he told Joseph, "Prussia will never yield in the 
matter of the commercial union, with Austria." 
The Emperor remarked on Bismarck's youth — 37 years — and 
was much impressed. "Bismarck had the wisdom of a man 
of 70!" was Joseph's comment. 

ill 
fl You begin to get a clearer idea of what this thing called 
patriotism means? Nay, do not scoff at our Otto; he is 
only carrying on the old, old game called reaching out after 
place and power; is doing exactly what you would do your- 
self, if you had the will to rise to the mountain-tops where 
live the Bismarcks and the Caesars. 

Mask after mask Bismarck used to cover his real intent, from 
18.47 to 1870, the long years he was scheming to establish a 
German Empire; and he did his work well; more than that 
cannot be said of any man. Therefore, his fame is secure 
in the Valhalla of Mankind. 

Ill 
U Here is an amusing bit, showing the craft and cunning of 
our master: When Napoleon the Little, through his coup 
d'etat made himself Emperor of France, December 2, 1851, 
and while Frankfort's Parliament was trying to decide 
"what" to say about it, officially, a French journal in Frank- 
fort printed an enthusiastic endorsement of the new 
Emperor. 

Bismarck suspected that it came straight from Prussia's 
hated rival. Seeking out the proprietor of the newspaper 



142 Blood and Iron 

Bismarck congratulated him "on close relations with Na- 
poleon." The owner, taken off his guard, replied: "You are 
wrong; it came from Vienna!" This was exactly what Bis- 
marck wished to ascertain, and his suspicions were verified. 
To make assurance doubly sure, Bismarck leaving the jour- 
nalist, did a little detective work. In the garden, from a 
secret place, he could see the French minister's house. In 
half an hour, he spied the journalist ringing the French 
minister's doorbell. 
"Ah, ha!" was Bismarck's comment. 

Ill 
If What did this giant not do to help his beloved Prussia, and 
to humiliate his detested Austria? 

One day, he found a fiery anti-Prussian review in an Aus- 
trian member's desk. He thought nothing of ransacking a 
desk. Eichelieu had a system of espionage unrivaled in 
history. Bismarck in this respect is the Cardinal's close 
second. Each man regarded himself as a patriot. Bismarck 
was obstinately loyal to Prussia. Her aggrandizement be- 
came henceforth his life's passion. Nay, Bismarck did not 
ask that the member be dismissed! That would be punish- 
ment too coarse. Instead, Bismarck decided that the best re- 
venge would be to print the address piecemeal and thus keep 
the member in suspense; — something like twisting the cords 
a little each day till the victim meets strangulation In fright- 
ful form. 

U During the eight years that Bismarck was a member of 
the freakish Frankfort Diet set up by Austria to "rule" the 
quarreling thirty-nine German states, Bismarck, the Prus- 
sian giant, came to see the necessity of controlling the press, 
fi Frankfort stupidities decided Bismarck to appeal directly 
to the common people (whom also he politically despised!) 
and hence we find that he now meets Austria's hired jour- 
nalists by urging the utmost press-freedom. "In this," says 
Lowe, "Bismarck was an opportunist," as he often was. "I 
learned something," he used to say when his enemies accused 
him of shifting ground. 

% Bismarck now demanded "open discussion" of German poli- 
cies; saw that hired press agents vigorously set forth the 



Blood Is Thicker Than Water 143 

Prussian side. In this connection it is interesting to draw a 
parallel between Bismarck's ideas of journalism, in 1852, 
and the American conception (1915). 

If "In the press, truth will not come to light through the 
mists conjured into life by the mendacity of subsidized news- 
papers, until the material wherewith to oppose all the mys- 
teries of the Bund (Frankfort) shall be supplied to the Prus- 
sian press, with unrestricted liberty to use it." 
If This idea is precisely what extremists like Eoosevelt set up 
(1915), battling against "trusts," endeavoring to make them 
audit their books on the curbstone! So, what is new under 
the sun? 

Ill 

37 
Ox-like patience of Prussian peasantry sorely tried 
— The incessant call for the strong man to end po- 
litical miseries. 

If As the result of all this deep study, Bismarck came to the 
conclusion that Prussia in the great moral idea of a United 
Germany could win, only by fighting Austria. We might as 
well get at the core of this thing, in short order. The com- 
plications are amazing; but the more we probe into Bis- 
marck's gigantic problem, the larger grows the stature of 
our modern German giant. 

If From this time till the hour of his death, many years later, 
Bismarck remains the one great central will power of Ger- 
many, the source of political legitimacy, dealing out with his 
brawny hands favors where they would do the most good, 
setting men up or casting them down; and in the end, 
through a series of profound political combinations the inner 
currents of which to this hour no human being has been able 
to chart and classify, our strong man at last is to set up his 
United Germany, placing the imperial crown on William's 
head in the palace of the French kings, at Versailles. 
tfOh, how unforgivable all this is to the French. Not only 
that defeat should come in '70, but that the palace of the 
Bourbons, cosfing some $200,000,000, should be used in solemn 
mockery by the super-man Bismarck, as the stage-setting 



144 Blood and Iron 

whereby to complete the imperial German holiday! Centuries 
must pass before this, the profound mortification to French 
feelings, is forgotten. That is to say, the worst thing you 
can do to a man is to hurt his pride. Had the German Em- 
pire come to pass without wounding French pride (not 
to add the French pocketbook) the French would long since 
have gone on their way in peace, rejoicing in German pros- 
perity. Why not ? The French are Christians, not the slight- 
est doubt of that; and as Christians do not envy the German 
ox, ass or maid-servant. Indeed, that is as it should be in a 
Christian world. 

BIB 
If At home, up in Prussia, Bismarck's sullen glances surveyed 
Europe afar, and in the '50's, of which we are writing, this 
is his problem: 

He sees Germany still a mere crazy-quilt of clashing states. 
There are warring ecclesiastical barons, free cities, petty 
princelings; Catholic Bavaria against Protestant Prussia; 
nobles against the people; the people against themselves, 
divided by God knows what controversies, sane or insane; 
poets writing their hymns of liberty then dying unheroically 
by a brickbat flung wildly in some street brawl; jurists trying 
to hammer together some constitution that will not be blown 
to pieces by the first explosion of gunpowder; — and all fail- 
ing! With pugnacious Prussia on the North, with rapacious 
Austria on the South, with insolent Bavaria hanging off on 
the Southwest, and the others fighting tooth and nail for the 
land, that will eventually fall to the strongest — the German 
problem became an exhibition over many years of the nob- 
lest, likewise of the darkest, passions of the human breast. 
Three dreadful wars were to be fought, 80,000 lives were to 
be sacrificed, during twenty years of turbulence; and in the 
blood-drenched interim various monarchs are to make a play- 
thing of the thirty-nine disunited German states. 
fl Bat the thing had to be gone through with. The historical 
evolution could not be hastened, although it was often set 
back. Sick Germany had many a hideous nightmare before 
the fever passed. 
Convention after convention, diet after diet, contending mon- 



Blood Is Thicker Than Water 145 

archs using any plea that will give the upper hand to Prus- 
sia or to Austria, or over princes and whimsical knights, 
from the one who holds his sovereignty because his ancestor 
had been a king's barber, to another who in a lucky moment 
had found the queen's lace handkerchief, and after that 
lived like a parasite on the land; — all these high contracting 
parties must be sent to the dump heap and the soil sprinkled 
with precious German brothers' blood, mingling freely with 
vile blood, before the new political crop can grow. 
U Between 1750 and 1870 the German problem had been set- 
tled over and over again, but was not finally settled till by 
Bismarck's blood and iron. This means in Frederick the 
Great's own obstinate way! 

flWe have heard from political fanatics, poets, lawyers, 
kings, thieves, church-people; all manner of men and not a 
few women have babbled and cackled; and there has been 
blood-letting, generation after generation, all up and down 
the Rhine, the Main, the Spree and the Elbe; then there 
would follow a lull brought about by some great Charter of 
Liberty framed by the Liberals, at their latest conference; 
and when it all went up in smoke, we would hear again that 
the Prussian government had its own plan, which, quite 
naturally Austria would never consent to advance, 
fl Indeed, the ox-like patience of the German people, with 
their great moral dream of "German National faith," was 
strongly tried. 

If It remained for the obstinate spirit of Frederick, through 
Bismarck, to find the only way, by blood and iron. Senti- 
mentalists should not shed tears. It is no less an authority 
than Marshal Davout, the great French soldier who had for 
his watchword, "The world belongs to the obstinate." 
Was not the Great Frederick, in his youth, an idealist, and 
did he not write a touching essay on the evils of absolutism ? 
But he ended by embracing the tyranny of kings — even as 
you and I, if we have the power. 



If At the very outset, then, let it be made clear that it is 
short-sighted to call Bismarck Prussian tyrant. What would 



146 Blood and Iron 

you, please ? Cakes for the child, when the child cries ? That 
has often been tried, and always in vain. 
Next time, the child wants two cakes instead of one. It will 
not do. 

Frederick was dubbed the "last of the tyrants." We are sorry 
if this were true. 

Tyrants are exceedingly useful. Nay, we are glad to report 
that Frederick is not the last. 

They still exist in every family, village, city, state, and 
nation. 

For the most part, they exercise their tyranny in petty exac- 
tions, with no big plan such as distinguishes the dominating 
man from the little fellow with the mean temper and his 
childish ambition to rule, let us say, his dog or his wife. 
U There is something pathetic in the incessant call this earth 
has for a strong man. It was so in Germany, and Bismarck 
was that man. 

Caesar was assassinated because he was said to be a tyrant, 
yet after his death for 400 years Rome sought in vain for a 
man strong enough to hold the Empire from going to pieces, 
fl Is there not something puzzling in the devotion of a people 
to their amiable oppressor? They may rebel against abso- 
lutism, as Bavarian hates Prussian, but if the political despot 
is strong enough to win against foreign foes, as Bismarck 
did at Koeniggraetz, Sedan and Gravelotte, the people kiss 
the hand that smites. What greater tests of loyalty do you 
ask of human nature? 

% Before 1866, he was without doubt the "best-hated" man in 
Europe, lampooned, ridiculed, even the victim of attempted 
assassinations. 

At Frankfort mothers sang their children to sleep by the 
following ditty: 

Sleep, darling, sleep, 

Be always gentle and good, 

Or Vogel von Falkenstein will come 

And carry you away in a sack; 

Bismarck too will come after him, 

And he eats up little children. 



Blood Is Thicker Than Water 147 

fl Yet within a few years, in his character as Prussian Prime 
Minister, who against the will of the people achieved the 
greatness of Prussia, and thereby made possible United Ger- 
many, no adulation was too great for our self-same Bismarck, 
formerly sneered at, despised, vilified, and stoned. 
So much for the value of public opinion. What then does it 
all mean? 

Bismarck made his 30-year s' battle against the people and 
won; and the people, strange to say, turned a mental somer- 
sault and now saw no inconsistency in cheering Bismarck, 
as liberator. 
V- How strange this sounds ! 



38 

Here is the Man of the Hour, depicted in all his 
naked realism. 

% This amazing German problem called for a wise despot, 
to confront and overawe weak men, gathered in German par- 
liaments in which there were worlds of cackling, but no 
wisdom. 

The curse of Germany had been too much speech-making, too 
much poetry, too much dreaming. The babble went on from 
1815 to 1866, at least— fifty years! 

yi The times called for a hard-headed, dogmatic, tyrannical 
man with a plan large enough to subdue the thirty-nine war- 
ring parts, and weld the whole into a mighty Empire. 
This meant a tyrant of the massive Frederick the Great type. 
It called for a man erect and proud, keen of speech, with 
absolute self-confidence, who in a pinch was master at under- 
hand dealing, and who could deliberately use harshness and 
malice. 

The man had to understand the delicate art of flattery, and 
at other times be blustering and outspoken. 
The roar of cannon should make him as cold as ice, but un- 
derneath his frozen exterior he should have a fiery nature, 
full of craft and guile, like a Gascon. 

He should have a torrent of cutting words, his eyes should 
flash and his blood should boil, yet he should be able to wage 



148 Blood and Iron 

a secret war, masked under compliments, or draw his dagger 
and strike for the heart. 

He should have thousands of enemies and prevail over 
them all. 

He should have boundless ambition; action should be the zest 
of his life, and at crucial times he should display an uncon- 
trollable temper. 

He should seek the path of glory; a man of fiery enthusiasm, 
who never forgives an enemy; has fits of rage; is jealous; 
a great swordsman, fights duels; a master horseman, able 
to ride day and night without fatigue. 

He should be at once cautious and headlong, realizing that 
in the end it is the bold play that wins. He should be able 
to live down public utterances that would cause other men 
years of disgrace. He should be able to quell a mutiny, check 
a mob or stamp out a rebellion. And, above all, whether ad- 
mired or detested, he should justify his career by succeeding 
in what he started to do. 

fl In other words, he must be Bismarck, the greatest empire- 
builder since Csesar's day— yes, not even barring Napoleon, 
for Napoleon's empire crumbled to dust, yet Bismarck's, fresh 
with youth, still lives on! 



CHAPTER XI 

Ofy* Mmltit »iat 
39 

Supporting Bismarck's idea of the mailed fist; De- 
mocracy stems from and is supported by aristocracy. 

If Why is it that, in the American Republic, there is aversion 
to acknowledging the services of men sprung from aristoc- 
racy, like Bismarck? Are the facts unrecognized, or is the 
silence only another form of political quackery? 
TITo bring the matter home, let us ask, "How is it in the 



Blood Is Thicker Than Water 149 

United States?" Washington was an aristocrat of fortune, 
one of the richest men of his time, dispassionate, cold, aloof; 
Hamilton, an aristocrat of breeding, contributing his quota 
to democracy, as he saw it; Lafayette, an aristocrat of birth, 
helped us gain our liberty; and certainly Jefferson, an aris- 
tocrat of intellect as well as of fortune, the owner of 185 
slaves, and the gifted author of the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, offered inestimable services to the common people. 
11 Off-hand, the average biographer records this: "Bismarck 
had no confidence in the common people. He fought a writ- 
ten Constitution. He did not wish to see his King yield an 
inch to the masses. It was the Crown against the Crowd. 
Violently reactionary, he blocked progress — for there can be 
no progress without change. He was trying to force the 
stream of time backward, instead of going with the tide." 



II An American who for the first time follows the history of 
the Unifier of Germany begins very early in the investigation 
to have a feeling of apprehension. He is sure that Bismarck 
is a reactionary; his ideas are so out of "harmony" with the 
spirit of the times, the air full of the "liberty, equality and 
fraternity." 

Bismarck's attempt to sustain the monarchial system, espec- 
ially the idiotic conception of "Divine-right" of kings, as 
against the rising tide of "confidence in the people," has 
about as much chance for success as that the slavery system 
could be re-introduced into the United States, after that ques- 
tion had been settled by five years' war. Thus you conclude, 
from the American view! 

fl As you read on and on, you feel that on the very next page, 
Bismarck will surely go to the scaffold, or will fall by the 
dagger of some "friend of the people," a thug ever after re- 
garded as the veritable Savior of his country for the as- 
sassination of the enemy of the common people. 

ill 

11 The much ridiculed "Divine-right" of kings is cognizable 
as a right based on the survival of the fittest, backed by the 



i5o 



Blood and Iron 



sword; filled with human weaknesses and shortcomings, but 
defensible as a system, withal; just as the real intent of the 
words "captain of industry" should mean one whose fatherly 
care over his laborers, his judgment, his risk of capital, his 
foresight in weathering bad times — redounds to the imme- 
diate prosperity of the workers with whom he can have no 
quarrel. 

If To those who make light of Bismarck's theory of blood and 
iron, in government, it should be pointed out that all govern- 
ments that endure, regardless of what theory you may work 
under, in the end fall to the strongest; — just as in a family 
fight the estate goes to the strongest, or in a partnership 
fight, or in religion, science, social affairs, love or war, the 
strong man has his way over the weak; and it is still to be 
proven that the American democracy, which at best is only 
another of manifold experiments in self-government, is to 
survive as long as have in the past royalist ideas — already 
that have persisted for thousands of years. 
5f So, we have invented Democracy out of a thousand costly 
expenditures of blood and treasure. We protest that this 
latest experiment in government is to endure forever more, 
but not one man in a thousand has any real conception of the 
Democracy in which all men shall work for a common Na- 
tional end. 

Thus, Democracy is fully as large an experiment as any 
other in the Halls of Time; and today we are still nursing 
childish ideals, attempting to level men by legislation, and 
incidentally taking satisfaction in stoning our public serv- 
ants, decrying wealth, and robbing the individual of any 
broad conception of responsibility. 



40 

Parallel elements that make for power in America 
and Germany. 

fl It is difficult for a certain type of American mind to get 
Bismarck's point of view. This is because of the failure to 
recognize that in whatever respect Absolutism and Repub- 



Blood Is Thicker Than Water 151 

licanism may differ, as forms of government, the fact re- 
mains that it is society, and not human nature, that has 
been transformed. The old motives, ambition, love, war, 
marriage, pride, prejudice, still sum up underlying condi- 
tions, however firmly any government may seem to be estab- 
lished, called by whatever name, and led by Crown or Crowd. 
In addition, all history forecasts the ultimate ruin of any 
regime founded on human nature. 

If As between the share which belongs to each man, and the 
share which does not belong to him but to the body politic, 
expressed in a reciprocal concession, upon each side, for the 
good of the state — that dream of governmental idealism has 
never yet been attained, even in free America, to say nothing 
of Germany, France, England or Russia, and men will con- 
tinue to annex the spoils to their private estates as long as 
men are what they are, at heart. 

If The elements that make for a desire to grasp power, in 
free America, are essentially the same, though in a different 
dress, as they were in Prussia, in Bismarck's day. 
We are wont to dismiss this matter with a shrug and charge 
all the turmoil up to a senseless desire on the part of the 
King of Prussia to force, for his own aggrandizement, his 
rule on an unwilling people, and we therefore call Bismarck 
a tyrant, as though in this conclusion we thus elevated our 
own virtues by a shuddering "May-God-forbid!" sort of rec- 
ognition of Bismarck's political vices. 

II IS IS 
1f The old man had a grand idea just the same; he devoted 
his life to building up a free and united Germany. His in- 
tense belief in German virtues made his task sacred. He met 
the desire for a National cause and for greater freedom. He 
had to carry men by storm. 

If However offensive, politically speaking, may seem in dem- 
ocratic America Prussia's "Divine-right" theory, it is a fact 
that we, also, appeal to the god of battles just as Bismarck 
did. We open our Congress with prayers often couched in 
conceited belief that God is on our side; while our historians 
have repeatedly dwelt on the fact that America has a "mani- 



152 Blood and Iron 

fest destiny," a phrase reiterated by editors the land over 
till it has sunk deep into the public conscience. Therefore, 
in democratic America, we avow that we are in the hands 
of the Lord; an idea secretly nourished by millions of Amer- 
icans who would publicly deny that any such Feudal concep- 
tion as Divine-right of kings could possibly exist in related 
form, in the United States. 

Surely we cannot mean that Divinity has anything to do 
with the majorities in an American election? 
fl Then this "manifest destiny" must refer to the ultimate 
fact that, however we may blunder along, in times of crisis 
the Lord comes forth, to lead us out of the wilderness. 
It is a familiar line of thought to find Grant, Sherman, and 
Lincoln and others, deified in the American press, as men 
"miraculously risen" in storm and stress to preserve the 
"manifest destiny" of our Nation. 

If there be any logical distinction between this hope on the 
part of millions of loyal Americans, expressing their patriot- 
ism in terms of Heaven's protective policy, and the attitude 
of Bismarck in regard to his King, as ordained of God, to 
rule over the Prussian people, then it would require a high- 
power microscope to detect any essential variation. 
If Meantime, we go on building dreadnaughts and inscribe on 
our coins, "In God We Trust." 

King William in Bismarck's day refused the people's paper 
crown of the Frankfort assembly, but plotted to have one 
offered to him by the princes of Germany. Was he, logically, 
any more inconsistent than is our own "manifest destiny" 
conception of America? 

ill 

ff For it is ever the way with strong men to believe them- 
selves the Lord's anointed, likewise with strong nations — and 
democratic America is no exception. 

"Chinese" Gordon carried with him wood of the real Cross, 
as he believed, and read his Bible day by day, up to the last, 
confident that he was in the charge of some unseen power 
for good, as against the destroying African tribes around 
Khartum. 



Blood Is Thicker Than Water 153 

Henry M. Stanley's books are honeycombed with appeals to 
God as his guide and protector; he believed that God was 
with him in "Darkest Africa," would see him through at the 
price of how many negro murders it mattered not, warding 
off fever, discouragement, starvation, and standing ever on 
the white man's side. 

In America, where the "Divine-right" of kings is a subject 
of political ridicule, it is a fact that in the courts we raise 
our right hand and swear to tell the whole truth; our mar- 
riage ceremonies are consecrated; and the last word at the 
grave is that God is our refuge; we have our chaplains who 
speak of God on our battleships, and in our armies; in the 
Autumn the President of the United States invokes a bless- 
ing for bountiful crops, and returns the Nation's thanks to 
God for these favors. 

flAll this is no more illogical than that Bismarck should 
insist that the Hohenzollerns, his masters, obtained their 
right to rule as a direct dispensation from high heaven, as 
against the Hapsburgs, who were Prussia's rivals. Bismarck 
preached his theological-political dogma with intense earnest- 
ness during his long life; and at last the people must have 
been impressed with his arguments — or was it that he forced 
them to his way of thinking ? 



CHAPTER XII 

41 

William I writes his abdication, and is about to quit 
in disgust; Bismarck says, "Tear that letter up!" 

U Along about 1857, our poor William IV lost his mind; for 
four years he continued a nervous wreck; his brother, Wil- 
liam I, was the sick man's representative as Prussian king; 
and in '61, when William IV died, William I became sov- 
ereign ruler of pugnacious Prussia. 

fi The common people welcomed William I with open arms, 
that is to say, adoring a fighting man, and long disappointed 



154 Blood and Iron 

by the timidity and vacillation of kind-hearted William IV, 
with his church-building plans and his Jerusalem bishoprics, 
it seemed as though the reactionary character of Prussian 
political life might now come to an end. 

Frederick's many-sidedness was in sharp contrast to Wil- 
liam's one-sidedness; Frederick's unfixed decision is now ex- 
pressed by William's unvarying will. Where Frederick had 
been brilliant and imaginative, William was cold and solid. 
fi William was now over sixty, at which age men's lives, as 
a rule, are in eclipse. 

Yet this man of destiny had still in store the making of a 
modern Caesar. He was to become king of kings, ruler of 
an empire whose individual units were commanded not by 
democrats trying new ambitions; but instead, many monarchy 
were to proclaim, "William, Emperor of United Germany!" 
U This son of Queen Louise, mother of Prussia, was now to 
justify the sacrifices of the great German foster-mother; 
for as she had labored with Scharnhorst to perfect the Prus- 
sian military, and in the hour of Prussia's extremity dared 
to confront even the great Napoleon himself, likewise her 
son William was now to complete, years later, the mother's 
ideals. 

Where she scattered seed on fallow ground, the son was to 
reap his abundant harvest of Prussian glory. 
fl "Whoever wishes to rule Germany must conquer it; and 
that cannot be done with phrases," wrote William, 22 years 
before he was crowned at Versailles. 

BIB 
fl We have seen all manner of Hohenzollerns — robber-knight 
Hohenzollerns — landscape-gardening Hohenzollerns — church- 
building Hohenzollerns — and Hohenzollerns tied to a woman'? 
apron string. 

A brave, practical, common-sense Hohenzollern is now head 
of the distinguished Prussian house. 

William I is flatly opposed to Liberalism, but is shrewd 
enough to have a moderate Liberal among his kingly ad- 
visers; for William realizes the political weakness of further 
constitution-tinkering. 



Blood Is Thicker Than Water 155 

fl Finally, we have before us a man as obstinate as Bismarck, 
but without Bismarck's creative imagination; a Prussian 
King reared in the army, who loved the army, who under- 
stood the army; — even as Bismarck understood political in- 
trigue. The combination was unique! 

Also, we have here a William of enormous ambition, little 
suspected under his rather conventional innocent-appearing 
German mask. 

IS M M 

fi We come now to a place where furious political torrents 
begin beating down the ancestral forests of Germany; torn 
by flashes of lightning and the ominous roll of thunders, the 
air is filled with broken boughs, flying leaves and clouds of 
dust. 

Bismarck, god of thunder, rides upon the furious storm. 
Let us closely follow the general track of the hurricane now 
raging in Prussia, more especially in the Prussian Chamber. 
If In '59, William had appointed von Roon Minister of War: 
the people objected, declaring it another evidence of Wil- 
liam's reactionary principles. The plan was to increase the 
army from 130,000 in peace and 215,000 in war to 190,000 in 
peace and 450,000 in war. 

It really meant universal military service for Prussia, with 
63,000 recruits each year, practically doubling the service, 
making it possible within a decade to call possibly 1,200,000 
soldiers ! 

II The Chamber of Deputies opposed the plan, vigorously. 
However, the Chamber in a patriotic moment had voted army 
money on condition that the increase was only incidental, 
but William while saying little of his plans acted as though 
his army appropriations were to be permanent, henceforth. 
If Over this question, a bitter controversy! The King took 
the ground that it was the duty of the Deputies to raise the 
cash in such sums as were required for state purposes — 
whatever these might be, in the opinion of the King. 
It was conceded that, in military matters, William's judg- 
ment was good, but the Liberals did not much like these great 
military expenses. 



156 Blood and Iron 

William even thought of breaking the deadlock by abolishing 
parliament and ruling alone, or abdicating his throne! 
He had already written out his abdication, so the story goes, 
and it was lying on his desk, all signed, awaiting the mo- 
ment of proclamation. 

If At the eleventh hour, William bethought himself of an 
invincible fighting man, Otto von Bismarck, widely known for 
boldness and independence. 

ft "I am willing to carry out your policy, whether Parliament 
is agreed or not! I will rather perish with my King than 
forsake Your Majesty in the contest with Parliamentary 
government!" 

ft And William tore up the abdication paper and replied, 
"Let's get down to business!" 

m m m 

42 

The four years' conflict era — Here Bismarck is at 
last revealed in his true character — King's Man su- 
preme ! 
If Ten years of rough-and-tumble fighting in the blind alleys 
of political intrigue have now prepared Otto von Bismarck 
for great things. In the solemn years to come, all is yet to 
be dignified by the formation of an Empire, through blood 
and iron. 

ft The King's ambition grew on what it fed upon — a desire 
for Prussian aggrandizement, at all hazards, and the ulti- 
mate solution of the German problem through Prussian 
power of arms. He made up his mind, accordingly, that he 
ought to reorganize the army; for this purpose he had asked 
the Chamber for 12,000,000 thalers. 

The cat slipped out of the bag, in spite of precautions. This 
12,000,000 thalers was to be used to buy needle-guns and 
powder, in the oncoming War of the Brothers, 
ft Our William I, whatever he might be, was at least no 
namby-pamby sentimentalist. That honest German face, 
those kindly blue eyes, his high complexion, made him look 
as guileless as a happy school boy; but he had his deep desire 
for place and power, side by side with Bismarck. 



Blood Is Thicker Than Water 157 

If It was a most fortunate day for this hard-headed unimag- 
inative William that Otto von Bismarck, in the Autumn of 
1862, accepted the Portfolio of Prussian Minister. William 
wanted a strong man to fight the hostile radical deputies for 
that 12,000,000 thalers, for the war-chest. 
There is no use casting about for fair words to butter pars- 
nips. The long-deferred irrepressible War of the Brothers 
was determined upon; and the Prussian dynasty was to wade 
through seas of blood to the heights of glory; and the pur- 
pose was ever to end this age-old German family strife. 
Tf William I is deservedly a great German national hero. He 
is the true father of his country. 

fiWe see nothing to criticise. The situation is very human; 
and the leading actors play their difficult parts with dis- 
crimination. In your own life's conquests, do you do any 
more, and often do you not do less? Is it not true in your 
own life that you have to fight for what you achieve ? Truly, 
the world belongs to him who seizes it. William knew this; 
Bismarck certainly knew it; and in this respect the two great 
men were agreed. So far, good. In broad outline the plan 
was to make the Prussian dynastic government rule over 
territorial United Germany; but it must come with the con- 
sent of the rulers of the independent German states and not 
through decrees of people's parliaments or the howlings^of 
mobs. 

fl As for Bismarck, he was the one man of the hour for black 
situations. His schooling in human nature had progressed 
amazingly. For the past ten years, at Frankfort, at St. 
Petersburg, at Paris, at Vienna, Bismarck had fallen afoul 
of all leading political strategists of Europe, men gloating 
over the problem of annexing to their private estates the 
divided German thirty-nine states: Bismarck had studied the 
individual line of battle of Frenchman, Eussian, Italian, 
Dane, Britain, to say nothing of the ambitions of princelings, 
counts, deputies, margraves, prelates, poets, and political 
hen-coop makers; — knew too, how at the critical moment to 
block their individual games and just when to give his own 
deadly knockout — either above or below the belt! 



158 Blood and Iron 

If During his period of preparation, as we have seen, for 
twenty years Bismarck had consistently preached "Divine- 
right," stood for what he called "Christian monarchy." 
For years, also, it appeared that the thing was for Prussia 
to enter into a close political union with Austria, but now 
Bismarck was convinced that he must fight Austria. Fight 
or shake hands were the same to the giant Otto; the thing 
was to win, if not in one way then in another! Otto, after 
his Frankfort experiences saw clearly Austria's under-play 
to dominate the political situation; and in turn felt himself 
called upon to check Austrian ambition in favor of his liege 
lord, the Margrave of Brandenburg, the King of Prussia, 
fl Finally, Bismarck's great chance came. William asked 
Bismarck to force the army bill. 

Now indeed will the giant rage, snapping his teeth in the 
face of the hurricane, — yes, four long years he is to rule 
without color of law. 



43 
On comes the storm — Not by speechmaking but by 
blood and iron are the great questions to be decided, 
says Bismarck! 

If At least, we admit that William I was a thoroughbred 
Hohenzollern in innate admiration of the iron fist! 
Now this was the situation: The secret war-chest against 
Austria had to be filled in one way or another; but the diffi- 
culty was found in the fact that the common people, acting 
under a mysterious instinct not to be explained but very real 
withal, had already begun to show unrest about an approach- 
ing War of the Brothers, as the sentimentalists called the 
irrepressible conflict between Austria and Prussia. The up- 
shot was that Bismarck's political secrets while not defin- 
itely understood in detail, were quite generally divined by 
close students of the German problem. The Liberals were 
intent on their own interests, in Prussia, and believed that 
their political solution depended on hampering the King, re- 
gardless of his cause. Hence the Liberal deputies of the 



Blood Is Thicker Than Water 159 

Chamber spunkily stood out against William's heavy de- 
mands for cannon and gunpowder. 

fl Bismarck, as King's Minister, had to face the political 
storm. He did not dare to say that he wanted the money 
for war; he wanted the money — was not that enough? 
Thereupon, Bismarck proceeded to domineer over the dele- 
gates. 

The Chamber was willing to do something, but how about 
the rumor that these huge appropriations are to be hereafter 
a permanent item in the budget ? Bismarck would not make 
the delegates' minds easy; he wanted money, much money, 
12,000,000 thalers in fact, for the army — and the least the 
delegates could do was to vote the funds. If they did not 
give the cash gracefully, why he would coerce the deputies 
— that was all! 

fl"It is not by speechifying and majorities," he thundered, 
"that the great questions of the time will be decided — that 
was the great mistake in '48 and in '49,— BUT BY BLOOD 
AND IRON." 

^Members of the Chamber shrank in horror. 
There were extremely powerful and learned men there, to 
combat Bismarck's point of view, and our political conspir- 
ator on his emperor-hunt had to listen to some of the most 
merciless rebukes he was ever to hear, during his long and 
highly exciting career. But he took them all, without a 
whimper. 

II "We have too many Catalines existing among us that have 
an interest in social uprisings," Bismarck thundered. "Ger- 
many considers not the Liberalists of Prussia, but her own 
power. Bavaria, Wuertemberg and Baden may flirt with 
liberalism, but no German would think on that account of 
asking them to assume the role of Prussia. Prussia must 
brace herself, for the fitter moment. Prussia's borders are 
not favorable to the development of a healthy state." 

HUH 
ffThe giant Pomeranian King's Man with his turbulent sup- 
port of his monarch, now advanced reasons to show his side, 
and concluded by mocking his hearers to do their worst. 



160 Blood and Iron 

If "What matter if they hang me, provided the rope binds 
this new Germany more firmly to the throne?" 
If A few days after this sensational defiance of Democratic 
leaders, Bismarck announced his decision: "We shall carry 
on the finances of the state without the conditions provided 
for in the Constitution." 

U Bismarck was not surprised at the storms of protest. 
"Some progressive journals hope to see me picking oakum 
for the benefit of the state." The comic newspapers pictured 
Bismarck as a ballet dancer, pirouetting over eggs marked 
Eight, Law, Order, Reform, Constitution. 
U The King became alarmed. 

If "I see how this will end," said the King. "Over there, near 
the opera house, in front of my windows, they will cut off 
your head, and mine a little afterwards." 
|j"And after that, sire?" asked Bismarck spunkily. 
fl "After that, why we shall be dead!" 

U "Oh, well, all must die," cut in Bismarck indifferently, "and 
the question is can a man die more honorably than for his 
country? I am fighting for your cause, and you are sealing 
with your own blood your rights as King, by the grace of 
God. 

|J"Your Majesty is bound to fight! You cannot capitulate! 
You must, even at the risk of bodily danger, go forth to meet 
any attempt at coercion!" 

IJAs Bismarck spoke, the King grew more and more ani- 
mated. "He began to assume the part of one fighting for 
kingdom and fatherland," wrote Bismarck, in explaining the 
situation. 

m m m 

Tj The giant's very soul glowed with fiery indignation. It 
was not in his nature to hesitate, as to means. He wanted 
these 12,000,000 thalers for the army — and was not that 
enough ? True, he could not say in the open that he wished 
to expel Austria — but must an elephant step on your foot? 
If He had no scruples, moral or material; such are for lesser 
men. Hamlet-questioning princes, if you please, may solilo- 
quize on life and its inner meaning; but not your Otto von 



Blood Is Thicker Than Water 161 

Bismarck, with his clear view of the little lives of men and 
with his correct conviction that if the intervening thirty-nine 
German states are to be made a unit in a German Empire, 
then under Heaven or under Hell, the thirty-nine states must 
be seized, even in a hurricane of bullets if necessary. Could 
anything be simpler? Had not the "German problem," as 
it was called, been talked to death generation after genera- 
tion, and had not lawyers, poets, preachers, philosophers and 
petty princes unnumbered come and gone with their impos- 
sible enterprises looking to National glory and political 
legitimacy ? 

If Bismarck was, as usual, everlastingly correct in his polit- 
ical instincts; and furthermore he had the iron will to power 
to support him in this great Prussian conflict; yes, and the 
wizardry in manipulating human nature that, in the end, 
would cause even obstinate, opposed political leaders to do 
our giant's bidding. 

If What he demanded was absolute, blind, unquestioning obe- 
dience from this Assembly; then, the Prussian army must 
fight like fiends; and lastly, he would take personal responsi- 
bility for the issue. Mahommet himself never urged war on 
Christian dogs with more zeal than did this fiery Bismarck, 
battling with his own German kind. To shame them, to 
beat them over their backs with hot irons if necessary — 
anything would he do to force Prussia to fight Austria, and 
arouse thus with a sense of blood-brotherhood the thirty- 
nine states, for Germany's great glory. This was his reli- 
gion — and do you now get the man behind it ? 
If Of course, it was all cleverly masked under the plea of 
Prussian army reforms, pure and simple, and in general 
the fight between Bismarck and the Chamber seemed to turn 
on the right of a Minister to force appropriations for the 
support of the government, regardless of parliamentary un- 
willingness. Bismarck held to his general principle that 
the Deputies had no authority to refuse the King funds to 
enlarge the army. The deputies were pledged to support the 
government, not to starve or ignore it, was Bismarck's con- 
tention. 



1 62 Blood and Iron 

ft The Liberals raged and stormed, called him "demented 
Bismarck," "Napoleon worshiper," "hollow braggart," "a 
country gentleman of moderate political training, inconsist- 
ent, nonchalant, insolent to a degree; — pray when did Bis- 
marck ever express a political thought?" 
King William's choice was exceedingly unpopular, but be- 
tween Von Roon and Bismarck there was now to be set up the 
most efficient military instrument known to history; that is 
to say, an all-powerful Prussian army of gigantic propor- 
tions, armed with the newly-invented needle-guns. Such was 
to be Von Roon's contribution. Bismarck's was to arouse at 
home the slumbering great "German National sentiment" 
that made failure impossible, at the front. Under God, Bis- 
marck believed in the justness of his cause. 
ft In the interim, before the first cannon was to roar, Bis- 
marck, the political wizard, was to tie the hands of every 
other European monarch — either by bribes, idle promises or 
what you will — that the war might be fought to a finish 
without hazard of Allies coming to the rescue of the Em- 
peror on the South. 

HSU 

ft The parliamentary debaters who thundered against Bis- 
marck came on with all manner of attacks. The learned v. 
Sybel, the great authority on the French revolution, cried 
out his many historical warnings; Dr. Virchow, known for 
his work on skeletons of the mammoth, battled along other 
historical lines; Dr. Gneist, the very learned member, ex- 
claimed in a burst of moral indignation, "This army reor- 
ganization of yours has the marks of Cain on its brow!" 
And to this insulting speech, von Roon immediately replied, 
"That speech of yours bears the stamp of arrogance and 
impudence!" Virchow challenged Bismarck to a duel, for 
defamatory remarks on the doctor's scientific attainments. 
To this Bismarck replied: 

ft "I am past the time of life when one takes advice from 
flesh and blood, in such things as now confront us. When 
I stake my life for a matter, I do so in that faith which I 
have strengthened by long and severe struggling — but also 



Blood Is Thicker Than Water 163 

in honest and humble prayer to God, a faith which no word 

of man, even that of friend in Christ and servant of his 

church, can overthrow!" 

% Magnificent, magnificent you are, at this supreme moment, 

you big bull-dog Bismarck, and you can whip them three to 

one, when the great day comes. 

fl Bismarck gained in power as he exercised his strength. 

He kept Prussia steady during the perilous times of the 

Crimean war; even urged an alliance with the French — think 

of that! — to gain secret ends for Prussia; but the Prussian 

king, v/ho hated rulers of revolutionary origin, was opposed 

to Bismarck's master-scheme; that is to say, William held 

in contempt Napoleon III, hero of the trick, known as the 

coup d' etat, which won a crown. But Bismarck had no such 

scruples. 

At St. Petersburg, Bismarck won the Czar — for which the 

Liberals hated Otto the more. His arts of diplomacy were 

expanding in all directions. 

Foreshadowing the war with Austria, Bismarck planned to 

keep Italy, France, Russia, England and Belgium quiet by 

various intrigues of politics — and how well he succeeded we 

shall learn later on. 

SI 11 11 

44 

The storm increases — Bismarck decides to defy the 
Chamber and rule alone! 

fl In the general turmoil, along comes a fanatic named Cohen, 
who attempts to kill Bismarck. 

This was in May, 1866. The war broke within thirty days! 
Cohen fired point-blank three shots, and there was a personal 
struggle. The giant coolly handed the would-be murderer 
over to the guards, then went home. His greeting to his 
wife was characteristic. "They have tried even to kill me, 
my dear, but do not mind, no harm has been done. Let us 
go out to dinner." 

It was a time of assassins and their plots follow. Struck 
down by the police, Ferd Cohen, step-son of Karl Blind, 
meets in the eyes of the Democrats a martyr's death; his 



164 Blood and Iron 

body is crowned with flowers, as though the corpse were a 
consecration of Prussian Liberalism on the altar of liberty. 
The frenzy takes still other forms; suicide cults become no- 
torious; here and there, we read that some lunatic patriot 
"seeks voluntary death, for the sacred cause of the people." 
IJAnd as for Cohen, ladies of high degree bring flowers, 
soldiers of the common cause wear on their coats his picture 
crowned with oak leaves. The cult of murder, with Bismarck 
as the arch enemy in the centre of the picture, was indulged 
to prevent what was termed the War of the Brothers. 
If "I believe," rumbled the granite rock Bismarck, with frown- 
ing clouds around his brow, "I do solemnly believe in victory 
— whether or not I shall live to see it!" This speech was 
regarded as little short of blasphemy! 

fl Bismarck now spoke more than ever of God, and of high 
German convictions. There was always grave danger of in- 
gratitude, of insufficiency of time and place, but he certainly 
thought God on his side. 

If What lashed Bismarck into fury was the contention that 
the Crown and the two Chambers were equal, in political 
legitimacy. 

If "All constitutional life," roared Bismarck, "is based on 
constitutional compromises." 

Ill 

If Day after day, Bismarck, the Prussian bull-dog, and von 
Roon, the terrifying drill-master, would appear at the Cham- 
ber, on the oak bench in full view of the angry deputies. 
Time and again, through political jugglery, angry members 
attempted to oust the Minister, but Bismarck was equal to 
every occasion. He actually ruled for four years without a 
legal budget. He conceded that point, too. He set up that 
it was his solemn sworn duty to support his King, and since 
the Chamber refused to vote the 12,000,000 thalers, why, it 
became the Minister's duty to get the money, by fair means 
or by foul. 

If And get it, he did! 

It was all wretchedly unconstitutional — of this there is no 
doubt. Bismarck never made any pretenses 01 that score. 



Blood Is Thicker Than Water 165 

After the Austrian war, an act of "immunity" was passed, in 
his behalf. 

H From quarreling about the secret war-chest, the disputants 
next began a mighty wrangling about rules. Bismarck's 
points were always ingenious. He averred that, as King's 
Minister, he was "in" the parliament but not "of" it. "Min- 
isters must always be listened to with respect," he contended. 
Thus, he forced the unwilling Radicals to listen to his bel- 
lowing, in behalf of the Brothers' War. 

ft13ismarck construed in his own favor every blessed rule 
brought up to oust him. The Minister was exempt from the 
Chamber's dominations, he insisted in a hundred ways. 
Violent scenes followed. The King sent long messages en- 
dorsing his fighting man; the Liberal press took up the cry, 
in support of Parliament; and thereupon Bismarck promptly 
muzzled the press. 

H Our Otto is now becoming the best-hated man not only in 
Prussia but in all Europe. 

The deputies were browbeaten, legislative officials intimi- 
dated with threats. 

U The climax came on that day of hubbub when angry mem- 
bers, swarming around Bismarck and von Roon, were sent 
back by von Roon's thunderous defiance. Pointing to the 
gangway before his bench, he hissed, "Thus far and no far- 
ther!" 

flThe real reason why Bismarck fought the Chamber for 
four long years so desperately for the 12,000,000 thalers, to 
be used against Austria, was this: On one hand he wished 
to nullify the importance of the Prussian Parliament, and 
especially in the matter of dictation to the King, either 
under the Constitution or not; also, to thrust at the same 
time, Austria out of the German body of the nation, 
fl He became a fanatic on the subject of expelling Austria 
from Germany! He had no scruples, stopped at nothing, 
paused at nothing; and at the right moment defied the Cham- 
ber, smashed the Prussian Constitution that would restrain 
the King's action in peace or war — and ruled alone! 
fl There are few parallels in history of a stronger man. 



1 66 Blood and Iron 

jf Looked at in a large way, we are forced to conclude that 
the German masses were not ready to believe, at this mo- 
ment, in Bismarck's Old Testament faith in a God of Battles. 
To fulfil the Bismarckian political ideal, there was essential 
an implied humility on part of the people; and this attitude 
of submission and renunciation was a sin against the spirit 
of '48. Bismarck's idea of political efficiency was also by 
no means worked out in detail; it had yet to find a place 
for the tailor, the shoemaker and the barber, side by side 
with the King of Prussia; even that miracle was ultimately 
accomplished, but at the present hour the street-bred people 
felt it their solemn duty to get up and howl, and to profess 
to know nothing of political efficiency, wherever kings were 
concerned. 

If At all times, the speeches of the crowd in the market-place 
were blatant enough, but there was also an unrecognized 
undercurrent of courage and patriotism passing with the 
flood that was to mean much to Germany, in days to come. 
The cause of the crowd was really an early form of our vital 
modernist democratic movement, not to be put down nor yet 
shut out; all political life was to be revalued, also all new 
ideas of political happiness were to be henceforth tested by 
their virility and actuality, cutting away completely book- 
ish ideals. 

U The part that lagged was this : leaders of the people were 
soon over-engaged, so to say, with the many-sided aspects 
and problems of the new political leadership; the German 
compatriots failed at this time to realize their obligations to 
a German Empire, to be; the people's politicians were still 
insular with little or no consciousness of the great German 
National destiny just around the bend of the road. Thus, 
Bismarck's function was to force the people to join the Na- 
tional movement — do so as it were in spite of themselves; 
and when Bismarck fought back and called the people fools, 
he did not pause there, but stopped at nothing to lead a 
hitherto indifferent people to warlike patriotism over the 
Austrian question — over which they had gabbled and slept 



Blood Is Thicker Than Water 167 

for years. Bismarck's unity of purpose for the Fatherland 
deftly combined sordid as well as exalted motives. 
fl And the demands Bismarck finally made on German char- 
acter were not in vain. For years, however, he was looked 
upon as an ogre in the eyes of the masses, who misread his 
patriotism for jingoism in behalf of the King of Prussia. 



CHAPTER XIII 

45 

Bismarck tricks them all — and by underplay 
matches King against King. 

ft Von Roon had the soldiers up at 4 o'clock in the morning, 
incessantly drilling for the oncoming War of the Brothers. 
The deadly needle-guns — von Roon's secret — were relied on 
to do superior work in the impending great crisis. 
ft Blood and iron — yes, that is the thing ! 
ft About this time, Bismarck executes another master-stroke. 
He decides to intervene in Poland, in favor of Russia; and 
certainly he has now to face a "word of wrath." 
England sets up a cry, "Stop thief!" Exeter Hall statesmen, 
"brotherhood of man" type, begin tearful whinings. 
ft Louis Napoleon tries to form an alliance between England 
and Austria, and England offers gold for a copy of the Russo- 
Prussian agreement, affecting Poland. Spies were every- 
where. 

ft Well, 10,000 Poles perish in the sacred cause of liberty, but 
mark: That in helping Russia Bismarck is laying the founda- 
tion for Russia's neutrality in the coming master-stroke 
against Austria. What do the lives of 10,000 Poles weigh 
in the balance beside the great strategic necessities to en- 
compass Bismarck's idea of a United Germany? We do be- 
lieve that Bismarck has the only practical solution, let nom- 
inal Christians say what they will. 

ft The next step, to bribe France, is brought about craftily, 
through a customs' arrangement; and when some of the Ger- 



168 Blood and Iron 

man states object, Bismarck replies: "You go my way or go 
your own way, alone!" 

Also, Italy has to be quieted by soothing promises! 
1j Austria now sets up more wind-baggery and gold lace, in 
the form of a new parliament, but Bismarck counters with a 
"proposed German parliament" — a spurious affair to be sure, 
but the scare has its weight. 

fl Dark and intricate diplomacy here passes before the eyes. 
Austria fails in her Congress of Sovereigns, and is anxious 
likewise to retrieve her losses in the Italian war. Bismarck 
at least knows that Austria henceforth is powerless to in- 
flame German states against Prussia, also that the growth 
of Liberalism, within Austria's own domains, is again keep- 
ing her very busy. 

U Cast your eyes toward Paris. Louis the Little is secretly 
plotting with both sides — Bismarck's spies tell all to the 
old man up in Berlin! Secretly, Louis feels that Prussia 
will be defeated; the French Emperor aims at what he calls 
the balance of power — by which he means that while the 
two big dogs are fighting, he will slip in and steal the bone ? 
Exactly that! 

K Many years later, Bismarck writing of this period, makes 
this confession: 

If "Napoleon secretly thought that if Austria and Prussia 
clashed, Austria would win and then France would step in 
and 'protect' Prussia; later on, in return for the price of her 
French favor, Napoleon III believed he could make such 
terms as he wished with our Prussia." 

U Thus, up to the decisive battle of Sadowa, or Koeniggraetz, 
France remains politely bowing and scraping to both sides — 
while having her understanding with each side. 
Napoleon feels that he will in time be asked to intervene, and 
for his help he will take a slice of the Rhineland. 
Bismarck did not undeceive France — mark that well! Later 
in life, the Man of Blood and Iron, taunted with the charge 
of attempting to give away German territory, made a strong 
"diplomatic" defense. He fearlessly produced the draft of a 
proposed treaty showing that France was conniving to ac- 
quire Belgium, through the under-play of politics, aided by 
Bismarck. 



Blood Is Thicker Than Water 169 



The amusing part was Bismarck's solemn reply, "The treaty 
was drawn up by Napoleon himself, and was offered to me 
for signature!" 

Also, to show that he is disinterested, Napoleon now pro- 
poses that the "differences" between Prussia and Austria be 
settled by a European congress. Austria hangs back, al- 
though England and Russia join to ask for the Congress of 
Settlement. 



46 

1864-1866 — Prussian domination essential in all Bis- 
marck's plans — Consistent in his inconsistencies. 

If The difficulties of Bismarck's position are not to be ascribed 
to the fact that, first and foremost, he desired to re-establish 
confidence in the Feudal theory of Divine-right of kings. 
His life-long plans had to do with increasing the power of 
Prussia and he preached the legitimacy of his loyal master's 
house as an American politician is wont to eulogize the ser- 
vices of the "grand old Republican party," or "the great prin- 
ciples of Jefferson," or boasts that he is "progressive and 
independent," whatever that may mean. 

In each case, the appeal is to a given audience, with the hope 
of adding to the following. 

fl The logic of hereditary influences placed Bismarck squarely 
in line as King's Man; and to his credit be it said that he 
consistently preached one gospel throughout his long politi- 
cal life. 

But his alignment with kings was more than mere oppor- 
tunism, as too often is the case in America, among the '"peo- 
ple's" leaders. 

Bismarck honestly believed that the logic of events precluded 
any change in rulership over the Prussian people; and in his 
larger view Prussian domination must eventually spread over 
the German states, uniting them in one country — as they were 
already united by blood and by languages. 
fl That he battled with Austria, the rival for the good will 
of the German states, is easily explained. It is not human 



170 Blood and Iron 

nature for any man to yield what to him promises to turn 
out an advantage. 

That the sovereigns of Prussia held their crown upon the 
principle of Divine-right, was construed also to impose obli- 
gations; and it was part of the theory that the King and his 
advisers must see to it that the land is used for the common 
good. The King of Prussia swore to "Divine-right to the 
soil; swore to defend it; swore to improve it, for the bene- 
fit of all." 

fl Furthermore, the old-time German political idealism in 
which brother was supposed to shake hands with brother, 
sung by the poet Arndt, in his romantic semi-religious lyrics 
of liberty, was through the recent German revolution (1848) 
replaced by a new type of positivist German, intent on money- 
success, business affairs, economic achievements.. 
The century-long dreams of National unity based on idealis- 
tic speeches, poetry, romantic phrase-mongering, was now 
slowly to yield to a new spirit; and believers in German 
Unity came to see that Prussian supremacy held all there 
was, in a practical way, of possible German centralization. 
Bismarck certainly saw it very clearly and acted accord- 
ingly in his future political appeals and alignments. 
*[\ Prussia had early led in the practical business of clearing 
the Chinese-walls that had bound many of the petty states; 
the Zollverein or customs' union, begun in 1818, as heretofore 
explained, grew in power with the extension of Prussian 
railroads and telegraphs; the Prussian capitalistic middle- 
classes, intent on building up the family fortunes, had pros- 
pered in proportion as the customs' union had been extended, 
under Prussian domination; and accordingly in 1849 Bis- 
marck, as soon as Prussia had been placed herself at the 
head of this Business Union, began scheming as never before 
to win German Unity through economic as well as patriotic 
arguments. 

For one thing, Bismarck henceforth studied to put himself 
on even terms with the commercial interests in the 39 jealous 
states. The leaders of Liberalism were, as a rule, men of 
theoretical rather than practical ideas; essentially a cultured 
elite, as it were, engaged in babbling about German Consti- 



Blood Is Thicker Than Water 171 

tutions, German fraternal alignments and impossible German 
peace-parliaments. 

If True, the good faith of patriots opposed to Bismarck 
is undisputed; but the King's Man was a man with an ex- 
ceedingly strong will and with immense practical common 
sense to support his own ideas; a man who to bring about 
his beneficent plan of German Unity followed his flag even 
through three great wars. 

This will of iron was exercised for the National good; and 
on the whole exercised wisely. He went on with his schem- 
ings for many years, from day to day making the best use 
of the material at hand; with well-nigh infallible instinct 
seizing on the very forces that were essential in years to 
come to the realization of his ultimate dream. 
U Little by little he set aside the professorial class, and the 
cultured elite politicians, and the theoretical constitution- 
makers; in their places he brought forward hard-headed 
middle-class capitalists, on one side, and the supreme mili- 
tary and landed Prussian aristocracy, on the other side; and 
after overcoming gigantic obstacles made clear to the aver- 
age German peasant that both wealth and authority were to 
be properly sustained in the old thorough-going German 
fashion only by having no more to do with semi-spiritual, 
politico-idealistic aims and purposes; also, that through Bis- 
marck's proposed new type of Unity the peasant on one 
side and the King on the other could rise to even higher 
worldly positions without setting aside safe old lines of re- 
spect for authority through a Divine-right king, at the same 
time sharing the royal power with a great and essentially 
democratic public opinion. Thus, Bismarck's German Na- 
tional enterprise, although not thoroughly understood for 
many years, was found at last to support in every particular 
the ancient German tradition of a strong fighting man, as 
leader of a free people. 

II IS H 
fl That Bismarck was proud and old-fashioned he made his 
boast, his joy, his strength. 

Opponents held him up to obloquy, picturing his ideas as pre- 
historic, even antediluvian; but Bismarck stood the prick of 



172 Blood and Iron 

honor; as King's Man he insisted in numberless arguments, 
far and wide, that behind the Divine-right idea was not only 
a sentimental but a practical side. At any rate, the King's 
Man was everlastingly against any movement that looked 
like French mob-rule. 

Tf As time passed, Bismarck learned gradually that he need 
not hesitate to throw himself fearlessly forward, with this 
Divine-right as a leverage, to express the legitimacy of the 
royal house for which he battled. 

In the final analysis he was secretly fortified by his instinc- 
tive knowledge of the peculiar political idiosyncrasies of Prus- 
sians; how dog-like in the final analysis is their submission 
to the political conception of the Over-man who rules by 
Divine-right. 



U It was to this National faith that Bismarck was constantly 
addressing himself — this loyalty to a paternalistic idea — and 
his attitude was much the same as that of the Chinese in 
their worship of ancestors, or of an American who preserves 
his family record. 

Bismarck was urging family unity among quarreling Ger- 
man sons and daughters; and as is the case in all family 
feuds, the intrinsic merits of the controversy were often over- 
looked and the time taken in an endeavor to inflict personal 
humiliations. 

U Bismarck was essentially appealing to National honor, 
which he placed higher than absolutism or republicanism, ty- 
ranny or democracy. By National honor, he meant the Ger- 
man conception of an over-lord for a ruler, preferably one 
with a strong military record. 

Herein, we touch the core of Bismarck's strength, the meas- 
ure of his greatness. 

When a man fights, on honor, for institutions which his fore- 
fathers slowly fostered and sustained through six hundred 
years of strife, the question of his rights or his wrongs is 
merged into the larger question of chivalry. 
1} If there were no other gift which might be set up to justify 
for Bismarck a commanding position among the world's 



Blood Is Thicker Than Water 173 

great figures, his conception of National honor, based on 
powerful personal convictions, his inheritance, bone of his 
bone, flesh of his flesh — utterly apart from the French mob- 
rule idea of liberty expressed in license — Bismarck's plea for 
the National honor of Prussia, as the custodian of ancient 
German traditions, suffices to stamp Bismarck as the true 
custodian of German political tradition of his age. 
K To this might reasonably be added another claim which in 
our broad view of Bismarck's character we here demand for 
him as one of the world's great men — courage of the bull-dog 
type, not altogether unselfish, but courage and remarkable 
consistency; standing the acid test of self-sacrifice during 
thirty-odd years' vexatious delays in attaining his goal; a 
period of probation certainly long enough to try the stoutest 
heart. 

If With qualities of this supreme order, far outside average 
human nature, Bismarck at last prepared himself to win his 
surprising fight for a United Germany; incidentally stamp- 
ing himself, his power and his purpose high among the great 
Germans of all time, from Charlemagne down. 

Ill 

fl To understand these ideas, let us for the moment look for- 
ward as well as backward. Let us speak in general terms, 
along the lines of the realistic politics, that Bismarck was 
maturing, as against the old-time German sentimental ideal- 
ism, once the political hope of Unity. 

Ill 

47 

Bismarck's whole message turns on the urgency of 
faith among the German people; his idea, that 
United Germany must be achieved by faith, alone! 

fl Bismarck had the well-nigh impossible task of organizing 
and inspiring a common political faith in 25,000,000 people, 
divided by religious, climatic and personal differences. That 
at times he utterly failed to meet the situation except by 
political hypocrisy, is merely to say that in addition to being 
a warrior and ultimately the conqueror of a continent, he 



174 Blood and Iron 

always kept within hailing distance of human nature; for 

when he could not win his way with a kiss, he gained it with 

a curse. 

flln the final analysis he won, largely because of stirring 

faith in the German states. 

With faith, what can a nation not do: If the United States, 

today, had deathless belief in the destiny of the Republic 

that Americans emphasize in their worship of the Golden 

Calf, a bloodless revolution for a higher standard of political 

thought would take place over night. 

The difficulty is that with the average American National 

faith is dead. 

He has come to the conclusion that he has no stake in the 

Government, that in short he is a victim to the machinations 

of plutocrats. 

To read the American point of view, (1915) we, today, no 

less than the Prussians and the Austrians, in Bismarck's 

time, are also about to spring at each other's throats ! There 

is little sentiment for National unity; it is the East against 

the West, in Congress, and in the newspapers it is the people 

against the plutocrats. | | | 

fl Bismarck's career affords a classical instance, in these poor 
times, of what a strong man, with faith in himself and his 
cause, can do against all manner of obstacles. 
Faith in himself was the essence of his power. Over and 
over, he made clear that he regarded himself in God's hands, 
doing God's work, but on what specific evidence he based this 
profound conclusion no human being knows beyond Bis- 
marck's own assertion. However, that power urged him on. 
Naturally, in turn, the fire kindled by faith in himself at last 
stimulated faith in a people, numbering some twenty-five 
millions; a people who in the main had up to this time been 
political atheists to Bismarck's dogma of a United Germany. 
This idea of faith is a fact of such vast import that we dare 
not pass it lightly by. m m g, 

If By an almighty wave of faith in themselves the German 
people ceased playing the political craven; came out boldly 
for what they hold to be their too long deferred birthright ! 



Blood Is Thicker Than Water 175 

Here, the mental attitude of the German people passes be- 
yond the dogmas of politics or social intercourse whatso- 
ever; it merges into a mysterious world of reality, close and 
near yet baffling to describe; expressing itself in an invinci- 
ble National faith, now about to burst forth, at last, and 
sweep all before it! 

fl This mental phenomenon exists in various forms, but the 
animating impulse is ever the same. 

The hymn-singing of Charles and John Wesley, whose ap- 
peals to religious emotionalism filled the fields of England 
with tens of thousands of weeping, shouting men and women, 
vastly excited as to the state of their souls, is a type of faith 
beginning in a small way and attaining National proportions. 
No historian could write adequately the history of England 
without crediting great changes to the work of the Wesley 
psalm-singers; women tearing off their jewels; men rising in 
the multitude and calling on God to witness that henceforth 
their lives would be pure and unsullied by sin; while under 
the excitement murderers came forward and confessed crimes 
known only to themselves. 

fl Oh, this German National faith that Frederick the Great 
so gloriously began; that Louise fostered and sustained; that 
the poet Arndt set to hymns; that the great von Humboldt 
in his own peculiar way saw from afar; that the German 
students apostrophied ; that William III figured to himself 
in his church-building; that von Stein discerned vaguely; 
that William I emphasized in his cold-blooded, clear-eyed 
manner of the soldier; that von Sybel fought for; that 
scores, nay, hundreds and thousands of noble men and 
women, utterly apart from political chicanery, did indeed 
long for with all the fervor of their earnest God-fearing Ger- 
man nature; Bismarck stands in the centre, here and now! 
1f It is true that he is not as yet accepted, but he is biding 
his time; he is looked on with suspicion, but he fronts the 
scorn of the rabble, in the end to beat the doubters into sub- 
mission, against their own will. 

H This newly awakened German National faith was really a 
very old German faith that had never died, although for 



176 Blood and Iron 

years forgotten; the longing for the Fatherland was always 
there. 

U Through love of home, through worship of ancestry and 
through respect for constituted authority in church and 
state, that is by "German national faith," Bismarck touched 
the chord that made his life-work possible. The stimulus of 
three great wars, presented by Bismarck as sanctified by 
God, finally did the business. 

fl He knew that in all Germans is a certain generosity of 
character which when appealed to in the right way made 
them eager to take the chance of death on the battlefield. 
]f Bismarck played the positive as well as the negative side 
of this psychological fact. On the negative side, he stirred 
men with the idea that social ostracism rests on the man who 
in times of National danger tries to avoid the draft. 
fl Bismarck's work thus shows him to be the great construc- 
tive poet of his time. He placed war before his fellow man 
in such a way that it was held a sweet privilege to die for 
one's land, which interpreted means Bismarck's idea of a new 
territorial arrangement of the map of Europe, 
fl There was race prejudice behind his deeper plans. He 
made much of the fact that within a given area the German 
language was spoken, whereas while there were millions of 
German-speaking people in Austria there were also Slavs, 
Czechs, Bohemians and mongrel races. 

K The idea of brotherhood based on blood and language 
finally prevailed over the idea of the confraternity of races. 
Make as much out of this as you will, but the basic fact is 
incontestible. 

If Some 80,000 men perished to sustain Bismarck's peculiar 
conception of United Germany. Through the turmoil and 
misery of these three wars he had his way, and being at last 
successful, he suddenly became the most popular man in 
Europe, idolized by the millions who a little while before had 
reviled his name as the enemy of the Democrats. 

II Such is human nature. _ __ ,_ 

" 11 H 1! 

U Perhaps, after all, German National faith is only another 
name for the tremendous earnestness that set the whole land 



Blood Is Thicker Than Water 177 

ablaze with singleness of purpose, consecrated to a high 
cause. 

Bismarck in a very real sense because of faith in himself and 
in his ultimate cause, directed this National faith in the 
Fatherland and won thereby a magnificent United Germany. 
If we do not grasp the significance of this unseen but gigan- 
tic National German faith, as expressed in the increasing 
unity of will of the whole people, harked on by Prussia, we 
might as well close the book on Bismarck — and know him 
not. 

m m m 

1j To comprehend, somewhat, the firm roots of racial strength, 
as expressed by German National faith, let us for the mo- 
ment pass from the 1840's, '50's and '60's, which we are now 
endeavoring to present with their psychological message of 
faith, and turn our eyes to the year 1914, when Germany 
and Austria, no longer enemies, now battle side by side, 
against armed forces of the world — British, Eussian, Ital- 
ian, Servian, French, Australian, East Indian, African, 
Belgian, Canadian, and Japanese! 

The sustaining spirit in this life-and-death struggle, as in 
the wars that made Germany an empire, is bulwarked on 
German National faith. 

U For Germans are no longer soft-hearted heroes of lyrical 
poetry, as depicted by Arndt! They are men of blood and 
iron. 

If Bismarck's mother threw her wedding ring into the public 
melting pot for the benefit of the War Fund of 1813 and re- 
ceived in exchange a ring of iron; and thousands of German 
women did the same; and Bismarck's wife exchanged her 
gold ring for one of iron, for the War Fund of '66. Tens of 
thousands of German women did likewise, not only in Ger- 
many, but in foreign lands, wherever hearts beat for the 
Fatherland. 

They did it in 1813, and in 1864, and in 1866, and in 1870;— 
and again in 1914! 

1f For example, in the great war of 1914, Baroness von Ropp, 
granddaughter of Geo. Ebers, Germany's most foremost 
woman novelist, cries out for her country in the accents of 



178 Blood and Iron 

true German nationality, the self-same spirit which Arndt 
stimulated in days of French and Austrian domination. And 
since it is this elusive spirit that we are endeavoring to 
bring home to you, in grasping the higher significance of Bis- 
marck's work, and its true inner meaning, we quote freely 
from a private letter penned by the Baroness, from Magde- 
burg, August, 1914. 

Use Hahn-Ropp did not write for publication, and therefore 
her words have the more weight. 

H "On the first day of mobilization I traveled to Magdeburg 
to say farewell to my husband, who was leaving for France. 
I had three hours; then I had to take the last train out of 
town. From that time only military trains were running. 
Shall I ever forget that ride? It was as though we were 
living in another world. People were standing in the cars 
closely packed together; but not a word of complaint. Each 
one felt he was no longer an individual — but a German! 
Rich and poor, nobles and peasants, talked together as 
brothers. Each had the deep conviction that this war had 
been forced upon us, and that every one must throw his 
whole strength into the scales, for victory. 
If "Ceaselessly, military trains roll by, crowded with sol- 
diers in gala uniforms, burning to reach the enemy. I hear 
them all night long from my parents' home — those wheels 
rolling, rolling westward; no hurry, no confusion; the mighty 
machine moves majestically on its way. Show us another 
nation which could duplicate that spectacle! 
1} "And then, from a thousand throats, rose 'Die Wacht am 
Rhein.' It was overpowering — irresistible. This mighty an- 
them, from the lips of soldiers going out to battle! 
U "It was thus that both my brothers left us. I shall never, 
never forget. Every one gives his all gladly. I could not 
keep my husband with me, although exempt through his pro- 
fession from military duty. He went as a volunteer, and I 
would not have held him if I could, though you can guess the 
cost of that parting! 

Tf "One hears not a single complaint from the women of the 
Fatherland. We are all too thoroughly roused over the in- 
sults offered our loved country. Working each waiting mo- 



Blood Is Thicker Than Water 179 

ment for our wounded — for our soldiers — we have no time 
for tears. 

If "We will not give in until all are defeated, even though we 
women should have to take up the sword to defend the 
Fatherland. Were it not for my baby daughter I should be 
with my husband, as a nurse. 

If "You cannot picture how great, how noble, how grave this 
time is. Human nature is transfigured. Individual fate is 
lost, in the fate of the Nation. 

|i "I am at home with my parents. Scarcely a year has passed 
since my happy, peaceful wedding day. And now my home 
is bare and desolate, and I am again the daughter of my 
father — I can write no more. My feelings are stifling me. 
The bells are ringing a new victory. Unfurl the black-white- 
red banner. Always lovingly yours, ILSE." 
A postscript reads: 

"Oct. 6. — For six weeks I have been trying to send this letter 
— in vain. In the meantime both my brothers have died 
fighting for the Fatherland. My husband still lives, but — 
we must, we shall and must win!" 



48 
Bismarck balances between tempestuous outbursts 
and inscrutable silence; biding his time in the great 
game of German Unity. 

If In the gigantic project of creating an Empire for a king 
who solemnly protested that he was directly accountable to 
God for the throne, "and would never consent to have so 
much as a sheet of paper (constitution) between my people 
and my Maker," Bismarck was under tremendous nervous 
pressure for years; and he meant that his political secrets 
for United Germany should not become too early known. 
Not only were the people as yet unwilling to help, but Aus- 
tria was watching with jealous eyes the possibility of plun- 
der for herself; — for where the carrion is there will the vul- 
tures wheel. 

If Bismarck's ambition bit him by day and by night, and there 
was for him no rest; he required a continent to turn 'round 



180 Blood and Iron 

in, and nothing less would suffice. It was now only a ques- 
tion of waiting for the psychological moment to electrify the 
inert mass of the people to rally to his cause, 
fi Naturally you ask, "Was this Bismarck then a beast?" 
Not at all. He was merely a human being who wanted a 
continent to turn around in. 

In the gigantic project, Bismarck was exercising his own 
peculiar gifts in his own way — for none stood ready to give 
him what he wanted, without fighting for it — even as you 
or I lay out lesser plans to beg, or coax, or force the world 
to give us not what we think we need but what we are 
strong enough to obtain. 

U In this attitude, Bismarck needs neither apology nor de- 
fense — for, after all, he is Bismarck. 

Through thirty-odd years of din and roar and battle largely 
of his own making Bismarck knew neither rest nor peace; 
returning again and again to the attack and wearing down 
his enemies by the sheer brute force of courage. His idea 
was United Germany, through Prussian military power; at 
the same time, Prussia must hold her dynastic over-lordship, 
and must yield it finally only in a territorial German Empire. 



K Unquestionably there was, incidentally, a large element of 
injustice in his plans and purposes, but what of it ? Is there 
not such in your own life, and do you know any man whose 
career is not based on injustice either in some coarse, ob- 
vious or in some subtle way? 

The world belongs only to those who do battle, and there 
is absolutely no chance for the man who will not fight! 
All government is based on some form of injustice, all land 
tenure is stained with the sword, all "putting up" of one 
family, or individual, is based on "taking" something from 
some other family or individual. 

Nor am I excepting the conquests of love itself, from time 
immemorial presented as a token of man's romantic, softer 
side. For, if the hero does not "save" the heroine from the 
villain, to take her for himself, then for whom does he save 
her? 



Blood Is Thicker Than Water 181 

U The Bismarck struggle and the Bismarck triumph are as 
old as history — and as new as the career of the man of to- 
day who has achieved his heart's desire. 
The empire-maker Bismarck had his way because he was 
strong enough to have his way, and while cruelties in various 
forms, for the ends of statecraft, coexisted in him with many 
fine qualities, after all that simply means that he was a 
human being with impulses of various kinds — good and less 
good — in one heart. It is also an undeniable fact that as 
late as 1862 Bismarck was by the common crowd in Prussia 
hated and feared, regarded as Germany's ogre of disaster. 

ill 
U Here then is the whole thing in a nutshell : His strong con- 
servative, not to say reactionary, sentiments did not blind 
him to the fact that he could do nothing without the "peo- 
ple," whom politically he ignored in so far as their fitness 
for constructive government was concerned; but it was the 
"people," and the "people" only, who could bring United 
Germany. 

He realized the present impracticability of such a Union as 
he had in mind for his master, the King of Prussia; that 
to urge it too soon would simply bring a new revolution, and 
God knows there had been enough blood-letting for the sake 
of power in and around Prussia for lo! these one hundred 
years gone by. 

flThe only thing for him to do, then, was to keep his ambi- 
tion to himself and his own crowd, and to bide his time to 
strike — for time makes all things right for him who can 
wait. 

And at waiting and at concealing Bismarck was past master. 
While usually figured as a blunt, bold, tyrannical man, there 
was also a side of inscrutable reticence. 
U Thus finally between outbursts of temper in which he at- 
tacked his enemies with the power of a battleship in action, 
followed by periods of silence after the storm, Bismarck re- 
mained master of the diplomatic situation, playing his wait- 
ing game. 



1 82 Blood and Iron 

flAnd did his stern face never break into an ironical smile? 
Did he never betray himself? 

It was impossible to preserve his great political secret from 
the intuitions of other and lesser minds. 

ill 
flYou see, men have various ways of getting their will. 
Some fight, others play, still others threaten suicide if the 
money is not forthcoming. It is all a matter of temperament 
and peculiar style of doing battle. 

With some, a curse will bring what a kiss will not; with 
others a club is more useful than a loving woid. With Bis- 
marck, the first instinct was to do battle by fire and sword, 
and this explains why his career is filled with broken wine 
bottles, fist cuffs, sword thrusts, and his "sic 'em!" to the big 
dogs that trailed around with him. 

fl Once, during the crisis of which we now write, on going in- 
to a saloon for a glass of beer, some table talk on politics 
offended him. He ordered the man to stop, then and there, 
"or I will smash a beer glass over your head!" 
The man went on talking; Bismarck drank, turned around 
and said, "That for you!" smashed the tankard on the offend- 
ing head, and coolly walked out! 



BOOK THE FIFTH 
The German People Are One and United 

CHAPTER XIV 

49 
He is no longer the roaring delegate of the "White 
Saloon," but has developed the astuteness of the 
devil, the open sincerity of a saint. 

If Fight, fight, fight! Nothing but fight! And all this trying 
time, Bismarck suffered excruciating pains from his old 
rheumatic complaint. 

He was irritable, melancholy and jaundiced; sat up all night 
half -buried in his mounds of state papers; dictating tele- 
grams, quarreling with callers, denouncing, adjusting, schem- 
ing; four o'clock found him in bed; he tossed about till seven, 
when he managed to get to sleep; and was not seen again 
till late in the afternoon. The situation was getting on the 
master's nerves. 

T( Enemies in the house of his friends spied on Bismarck, 
endeavored to poison the King against the doughty Minister. 
The Crown Prince, especially, who always had an aversion 
to Bismarck, despite the war-dog's inestimable services 
to the House of Hohenzollern, now tried to pull the 
Pomeranian giant down. 

To this end, the Prince dissassociated himself from Bis- 
marck's policy, avoided the great man at court. The situa- 
tion passed rapidly from political to social objections on 
part of the Prince, who spread before the King the ruin of 
Hohenzollern if Bismarckian policies were longer pursued. 
fl But the King would not give Bismarck up. In this regard, 
William was as cold as ice. He saw that should Bismarck 
be asked to go, at that time, the Liberals would be irresist- 

(183) 



184 Blood and Iron 

ibly strengthened. The recoil of the mighty wave against 
kingcraft might even end by forcing abdication for the Prus- 
sian monarch. 

fl Instead of fearing the Liberal leaders, Bismarck despised 
their plots. The master knew enough of human nature to 
see clearly one great central fact. The fire-breathing Demo- 
crats would, at the hour of Prussia's peril, join with the 
hated system of Bismarck and march to glory. In defense 
of Prussia, Liberals, Socialists and political nonconformists 
of every description, would be carried off their feet. Then, 
Bismarck would be able to call on his very enemies to come 
forward and help him win the day. 

II And the old man, as usual, was absolutely correct. In the 
hour of danger how the Prussian Liberals fought! Like 
fiends they stood, took the murderous fire and went to their 
death singing, "I am a Prussian, will a Prussian be!" 

H The opportunity to test German National faith first came 
through the Holstein war, precipitated by Bismarck's clever 
manipulation of events. 

U As well ask from what quarters of the globe the hurricane 
came which last night tore up the old oak tree. You can 
read a dozen fat volumes on the Holstein problem, and still 
you will not be convinced. Schleswig-Holsteiners in their 
rock-grit lands on the North Sea had their political troubles 
about the right of succession, and that sort of thing; the 
spit of land up there was aflame with war talk. 
U The Germans, as a people, wished Schleswig attached as a 
principality of the German Confederation, but Bismarck's 
secret plan was to seize the territory for the gain of Prus- 
sia, a clean political theft of a huge estate. By pushing the 
Danes out of the Frankfort Diet — that antiquated political 
stuffed-club of Austria — the Emperor of the South would 
also be forced out of German affairs. In a few words, that 
was the play. 

H Opposition ? Why, Bismarck lived by opposition, grew fat 
on opposition. He is no longer the old roaring delegate of 
the "White Saloon," in his blossom time. He has developed 



The German People Are One and United 185 

the astuteness of the devil, the open sincerity of a saint. As 
a matter of fact,, he now invited Austria "to co-operate," in 
settling the complex Danish question; and the unsuspecting 
Emperor of the South, who was also playing a deep game of 
his own, decided to take a hand. 

fl Throughout his long career, Bismarck was everlastingly 
trading in political advantages. Often there was a large 
element of imagination in his promises to pay, but he gained 
his point in the Holstein problem. He had to face: Dissen- 
sion between the Prussian Chamber and the Government; the 
feeling in rival German states; the general distrust of Prus- 
sia and the hostility of Austria; finally, the jealousy of other 
powers. 

tf Volumes have been written, learned decisions handed down 
on the complex rights of the warring houses of Schleswig- 
Holstein. There were mountains of precedents on this side 
or that, as you pleased. Bismarck's plan was to annex the 
domain to Prussia and seize the harbor of Keil, with all the 
accrued advantages to the Prussian monarch; and while the 
talk went on Bismarck manceuvered to enlist his old enemy, 
Austria, to make common cause in a clear way of plunder, 
if ever there was one. Then, they swept the country with 
fire and sword, took it by the "divine right" of the strong- 
est; and it fell out that Bismarck stacked the cards against 
Austria, as a gambler stacks them against the man on the 
other side of the table who is supposed to be his friend, in 
a gentleman's game. Bismarck at a stroke thus won away 
Austria's share. 

fl After the conquest of the Holstein duchies, King William 
became more ambitious; henceforth the object of his life 
was the aggrandizement of Prussia, in Germany. Bismarck 
had given the King the taste of blood. The Iron Chancellor 
admits the fact. Here are Bismarck's exact words, from his 
interviews with Dr. Busch: "The King's frame of mind un- 
derwent a psychological change; he developed a taste for 
conquest." 

H Bismarck laid the foundation in this way : He reminded 
the reluctant William of the glories of Hohenzollern; how 



1 86 Blood and Iron 

each Hohenzollern had added to the common family fortunes, 
ever-widening estates and power. He told William how King 
Fr: Wm. IV had acquired Hohenzollern and the Jande Dis- 
trict; Fr: Wm. Ill, the Rhine Province; Fr: Wm. II, Poland; 
Fr: II, Silesia; Fr: Wm. I, Old Hinter Pomerania; the Great 
Elector, Further Pomerania, etc.; "and I encouraged the King 
to do likewise." 

If Is it too much to say that in this great National crisis, 
Bismarck was more than servant of the King? In many 
respects Bismarck was the King's master. "If you only 
knew how I had to struggle to make the King go to war 
with Austria!" is a significant comment Bismarck once made 
in a moment of confidence. 

It is a question whether he loved the King more, or himself 
less. 

Ill 

fl "My party consisted solely of the King and myself," wrote 
Bismarck many years later, "and my only aim was the res- 
toration and aggrandizement of the German Empire and 
the defense of monarchial authority." 

If He always had a contempt for parliaments and for parties. 
This fact is so clear that we pass it without further com- 
ment. In short, Bismarck measures up to these lines in 
Tennyson : 

"Ah, God! for a man with heart, head, hand 
Like some of the simple great ones gone 
Forever and ever by; 
One still strong man in a blatant land, 
Whatever they call him, what care I, 
Aristocrat, democrat, autocrat — " 

If However, in this world all things are relative ; the finest 
coat has its reverse side, where the ugly seams show; and 
Bismarck is no exception. He has all the strong man's 
virtues, and vices. Make the most of it. 

It is a solemn fact that, in his unfailing loyalty to his 
country, Bismarck showed little consideration for men who 



The German People Are One and United 187 

chanced to oppose his own principles — but what would you, 
pray? 

Man at best is a curious animal; he indulges in great wars 
and he is capable of great mercies; he is all things by turn 
and nothing long; on the same day he loves and he hates, 
he commits crimes and he goes to church; he has his way 
and having it, is still dissatisfied. 
If And Bismarck was no exception. 

ffl M M 

fl He always expected absolute obedience. "My ambassa- 
dors," he once said to one of them, "must wheel round like 
non-commissioned officers, at a word of command, without 
knowing why." 

m m m 

If "There are indeed," says Sir Spencer Walpole, "few things 
more remarkable in modern history than Bismarck's deter- 
mined disregard, from 1863 to 1866 of the decisions of Par- 
liament and his readiness to stake his own life and that of 
his sovereign on the issue of the contest." 

ill 

fiThis Holstein raid was justified as "statecraft," but the 
gambler's nerve and the gambler's methods were behind it, 
from end to end; and Bismarck shuffled and cut and stacked, 
and if now and then some shrewd player caught the sleight 
of hand and protested, Bismarck coolly banged him over the 
head with a chair or flung a wine bottle at his head and 
threw him into the street to make off as best he might, 
smarting for revenge but not daring to raise a hand; for in 
his heart the defeated player realized that in a game of this 
kind the only thing to do is to take one's medicine, "put up, 
pay up and shut up" — like the lesser known but equally dis- 
cerning gamblers of old Mississippi steamboat days. 
U What were they fighting about in Holstein ? Alas, who 
knows, except that Bismarck had his great German enter- 
prise well under way. It was said, at the time, that Disraeli 
was "the only man in Europe who really understood the 
Holstein question," but Disraeli was a British cynic on all 



188 Blood and Iron 

things German, and his explanations must be taken with a 
grain of salt. However, Disraeli used Bismarck as "Count 
Ferroll" in "Endymion." 

H H @ 

50 

Bismarck sleeps surrounded by windrows of the 
dead; it was the moment he had awaited, all these 
years. 

If One fact should never be overlooked. Whether Bismarck 
talks to his countrymen of patriotism or of religious duties, 
through it all and behind it all, while framing constitutions 
and putting the ballot in every man's hand, Bismarck always 
had something to draw to — and this something was the in- 
vincible Prussian army. 

This Prussian army, together with Prussian dog-like disci- 
pline, made Bismarck's plans possible. 

fiAlso, he everlastingly kept the substance of power for 
himself and his King; for, however much Bismarck from 
time to time made concessions to the Liberal side, Bismarck 
always nourished sentiments of royalty, in the end deftly 
substituted the mailed fist for his talks on religious faith. 
ffHis war-dramas are always rich in strife; but somehow, 
he makes them conclude in joy. 

Ill 

If Realizing that the Austrian war could not much longer be 
put off, Bismarck's great care was that there should be no 
powerful coalitions against Prussia. 

U We have spoken before of his closeness to Russia, and the 
means whereby Bismarck secured the Czar's neutrality in 
the oncoming Austrian war. The King's man next settled 
with Italy, behind the screen. He knew that she longed to 
come into possession of Venetian powers, held by Austria; 
Bismarck got after the Italian minister, Lamarmora; the 
bargain was this: A secret treaty promising Venetia to Italy; 
no separate peace to be made with Austria; the treaty not 
to be binding unless Prussia declared war within three 
months. 



The German People Are One and United 189 

U Then Bismarck crossed over and proposed to Austria that 
Frankfort "reform" the Confederation. The lure to the 
Liberals was the promise of a National Convention elected 
by the people, to decide on a new Constitution; the solution 
carried the Holstein question, Bismarck averred, "not as a 
piece of monarchial greed but as a National affair." 
fl Bavaria agreed provided Austria and Prussia would not 
attack each other. 

If At this, Bismarck promised to give to Italy the Venetian 
provinces, by peaceful arrangement — war or no war. But 
Italy wavered; she was afraid of Bismarck's behind- the- 
screen policies. 

Austria decided to increase her Venetian armaments, and 
Bismarck, quick as a cat, seized on this move of his old 
enemy as an act of "insincerity" in regard to peace, 
fl Austria now replied by urging that the Holstein question 
be left to the Diet, despite the fact that Prussia had ex- 
pressly denied the competency of Frankfort to settle ques- 
tions affecting Prussia. 

H From this point events moved with rapidity toward war. 
Troops under Manteufel marched into Holstein, alleging the 
Gastein treaty broken; Austrians retired, but under protest, 
alleging that Prussia had violated Section 11 of the Acts 
of Confederation, which provided that members could not 
make war against each other; and Austria moved that the 
Confederation be mobilized, except Prussia. Bismarck there- 
upon played his trump card. "The Confederation is dis- 
solved!" he thundered, and submitted a new draft of articles, 
leaving Austria out. 
fl Germany was now in two hostile camps ; on came the war. 

11 m M 

11 Thus stood matters on the fateful June 1st, 1866, when 
the critical situation in the Danish country offered the match 
to touch off the powder magazines against Austria; startled 
Austria immediately called upon her beribboned, bejeweled 
Frankfort Parliament to declare war on Prussia for inso- 
lence; and this is exactly what Bismarck wished to bring to 
pass; it was the moment he had awaited all these long years. 



190 Blood and Iron 

fl Hanover and two other states were asked by telegraph to 
declare their intentions. The replies being unsatisfactory, 
Bismarck, with supreme daring worthy of Frederick the 
Great, orders von Eoon and Moltke's iron men forward. 
They poured like fiends into the surprised territories, over- 
ran them in a night, compelling the flight or capture of three 
kings. 

fl "With God for King and Fatherland!" That old cry is 
again heard throughout the Prussian North country. Austria 
reckoned stupidly; she had thought Bismarck's internal polit- 
ical dissensions would make it impossible for Prussia to rally 
her iron men in good order; but Bismarck knew that while 
Liberal leaders quarreled like dogs and cats over Prussian 
policies, still when beloved Prussia was in danger, all differ- 
ences would be forgotten — and Prussia in a night would be- 
come an armed camp. 

H Bismarck, that memorable Thursday night, June 14th, 1866, 
spent the long hours pacing up and down under the oaks in 
the beautiful garden of the Minister of Foreign Affairs; in 
deep thought, he awaited the mobilization order from the 
King. 

Von Moltke, old Roon and Bismarck hold whispered consulta- 
tions in which Bismarck is so sure of himself that his mind 
at times wanders off war to chatty anecdotes. "This after- 
noon, in the antechamber of the King," says Bismarck, "I 
was so weary I fell asleep on the sofa. Is not this garden 
fine? Suppose we take a look at the old trees in the park, 
behind the palace?" 

Ill 

U Berlin rang with the patriotic "I am a Prussian, know'st 
thou not my colors?" and in unnumbered thousands the mul- 
titudes pressed around the palace. On the night of the 29th 
came the news by telegraph — "First blood for Prussia!" 
Berlin goes fairly insane with patriotic joy. 
Bismarck leaves the palace at two in the morning; his stern 
expression contrasts strangely with the frenzied faces in 
the crowd; never did the great man's inherent poise show 
more clearly, by contrast. The crowds are singing Luther's 



The German People Are One and United 191 

hymn, "Ein feste Burg ist unser Gott" — "A fortress firm in 
our God." The King comes out on the balcony and returns 
thanks. Never-ending cries of triumph force Bismarck to 
say a few words from the window of his hotel in the Wil- 
helms-strasse. It is a squally, rain-bespattered night, with 
the tempest near at hand, but the mobs will not go home. 
Suddenly, Bismarck raises his hand, shouts congratulations, 
ends by inviting a salute for the King and Prussia. 
That very instant a peal of thunder rumbles over the city, 
and a trail of forked lightning splits the midnight skies. 
"The very heavens salute Prussia!" cries Bismarck — and the 
mobs go wild again. 

m m h 

V, Bismarck and his King are off to the front. At Sichrow 

they see the corpse-strewn field of glory; 5,000 bodies in all 

the agonizing attitudes of sudden death are there before 

the master. 

William and Otto pass to the field hospital. The wounded 

beg for cigars, and Bismarck writes his wife, "Send cigars 

by the thousand, by each courier; also forward copies of the 

'Kreutzzeitung.' " This is the official Bismarckian political 

organ. So you see, he spreads his political propaganda, even 

in the face of death. 

U Otto winds up his letter with this surprising request, under 

date, July 2, Jitschen, "Send me a French novel to read, but 

only one at a time." 

UThen came Sadowa, July 3d. The "Red" Prince Charles 

assigns his troops to battle line at dawn, amidst fog and 

rain. At 9, the King and Bismarck appear on the bloody 

field. Bismarck rides his tall roan mare "Verada," rechris- 

tened "Sadowa." 

In thunder and smoke the battle goes burning on. For hours 

the result is in doubt. All depends on the second battle line, 

but where is the Crown Prince ? Will he arrive in time ? 

If The vast artillery duel began early and lasted many hours. 

At the height of the battle, old King William asked for a 

cigar, and when the box was brought took a long time to 

select one, to his fancy. Bismarck regarded it as a good 



192 



Blood and Iron 



sign! "If he can bother about the best cigar, the battle can- 
not be lost," was Bismarck's mental comment. 
U At last, the Austrians began giving way. 
If In joy, the King took from his neck his own Iron Cross and 
hung it on Bismarck's neck. 

flMoltke came up, bright and happy, with these words: 
"Your Majesty has not only won the battle, but the whole 
campaign." 

fl It was true; the great Austrian war was practically now 
won, and in three short weeks! 

IT Sadowa, or Koeniggraetz as the Germans call it, is one of 
the great battles of history. There were 445,000 men en- 
gaged; Austria lost 30,000 and 1,147 officers. 
If Bismarck, on his tall roan, was eighteen hours in the sad- 
dle; neither man nor faithful beast had food or drink, except 
that the horse, standing now and again among the windrows 
of corpses, ate corn-tops and nibbled at leaves. That night, 
Bismarck slept by the roadside, without straw, a carriage 
cushion under his head. The rain beat down in a drizzle, 
and for miles the smoke hung like a pall. Bismarck's rheu- 
matic pains, his weakness from loss of food, wore him down. 
If At last, the course of nature can no farther go; and the 
master falls into a deep sleep — surrounded by windrows of 
the dead. 

U At dawn, as he stood up, half-dead from exhaustion, against 
the lowering skies he saw the vultures ready to pick the 
bones that Glory had provided in this phase of the terrifying 
story of German Unity. 

^ The hour of victory again proved Bismarck's astuteness. 
The fire-breathers around the King urged that the Prussians 
march on Vienna and lay the city in waste; Austria could 
not prevent; she was prostrate; but Bismarck said no; and 
as usual, he had an object. Part of his far-seeing plan was 
to take advantage of this psychological moment to conclude 
secret treaties with the smaller states, as allies of Prussia, 
in case of future wars. It was the forerunner of his last 
great work, many years later, the Triple Alliance. 



The German People Are One and United 193 



51 

Alas, poor human nature! The rejected stone now 
becomes the foundation of the palace wall! Otto 
von Bismarck is justified at last. 

1[ It goes to show that the right man can bring about any 
idea, whether to do it makes it necessary to turn Time's 
clock backward or forward. 

Bismarck is magnificent because his extraordinary political 
work inspired and carried a new National faith that forced 
men to bow, often against their will, to the logic of his own 
gigantic mind. 

Bismarck is magnificent because, too, when the tiger strife 
was ended, he who had been despised as the arch tyrant of 
his time, was now seen to be the one strong man of his land, 
who had brought an unwilling people peace, happiness and 
prosperity. 

If After the Austrian war the deputies whom Bismarck had 
fought granted immunity to Bismarck for those four turbu- 
lent years of unconstitutional rule; the overjoyed people 
readily forgave him for exacting 12,000,000 thalers for the 
secret war chest. 

M M M 
fl The millions who had looked on him as a madman now 
hailed him as little under the stature of a demigod, loaded 
him with estates, gold, diamonds, medals, stocked his cellars 
with the choicest vintages, sent him train-loads of presents, 
thousands of felicitations on parchments done up with blue 
ribbons, threw up their hats in frenzy only to see his rattling 
old coach pass along the streets of Berlin; and in the Na- 
tional excitement to do something or say something that 
nobody had ever thought of, became as children to the extent 
of offering presents to Bismarck's dogs. 

Also, in the grand distribution of Austrian prize money, 
Bismarck was awarded $300,000. With this unexpected good 
fortune he bought Varzin estate in Pomerania. 
fl Of late years, his unpopularity has been made clear in a 
thousand ways, some harmless, others bloodthirsty; his very 



194 Blood and Iron 

life was demanded more than once, by assassins. But now 

all had changed. 

flit is related that a German professor, in Greece, caught 

out after dark was beset by bandits. 

fl Who are you?" they inquired menacingly. 

fl "I am a German." 

fl "Who is your king?" 

fl"The King of Prussia!" 

fl"Ah! Then you are Bismarck!" 

flAnd the robbers pulled off their hats and ran headlong in 

the night. 

M M H 
flln America, shops sold Bismarck pipes, Bismarck cravats, 
Bismarck hairbrushes, and one came across such advertise- 
ments as this: "What is the difference between Jones' paste 
and Prince Bismarck? Answer, there is no difference, be- 
cause each sticks so fast that once either gets a hold it is 
impossible to get away from it." 

fl After Koeniggraetz, the growing sense of German nation- 
ality impressed itself in a thousand joyful ways. 
In Spain, lucifer matches bore on the boxes this doggerel: 

Als Wilhelm wirkt und Bismarck span 
Gott hatte seine Freude dran. 

Or, "As William worked and Bismarck spun, God had his joy 
thereon." 

The fashionable world dressed in Bismarck brown; ironclads 
bore his name; in Paraguay the "Citizen Bismarck" ran up 
and down the river; Bismarck, South Dakota; Bismarck and 
von Moltke streets; huge Bismarck strawberries — and what 
more you please. 

H The Brandenburg Cuirassiers made him drink out of a 
silver tankard, holding a level quart of champagne; Bis- 
marck, at the officers' revel, put the goblet to his lips and 
drained the draught in a few long gulps, 
fl "Another!" cried the National hero. 

fl "Alas," sighed a dyspeptic Frenchman, who heard of it, 
"champagne and smoke agree with him — happy man!" 



The German People Are One and United 195 

fi Whenever the Chancellor was out, on foot or on horseback, 
the news ran like wildfire through Berlin! Offices were emp- 
tied, clerks stood in windows, the public uncovered and 
cheered. 

U The German colony of Constantinople sent him a sword 
of honor; thousands begged his photograph, autograph, or 
lock of his hair; brewer George Pschorr, at great cost, sent 
thirty-three gallons of beer in a carved cask weighing 500 
pounds, with solid silver tankards — veritable gems of art. 
fl Carried away by the general excitement, an inmate of the 
almshouse put his name down for $5, on a public list, and 
when confronted with his utter inability to pay, replied: 
fi "When the time comes for paying I shall ask them to let 
me off with so many days in jail! So many marks, so many 
days!" 

fl A little town in the Black Forest offered a huge patriotic 
scroll composed of bottles of raspberry brandy, with hand- 
some labels, bordered with the German colors, red, white and 
black; a Bavarian organ builder forwarded a huge organ; 
the inhabitants of Stanaitschen, a gigantic whip; plovers' 
eggs came from the people of Jever; the King of Prussia 
made Bismarck a Count, presented him with a rich domain; 
and in the general excitement, the Chancellor's famous dog 
Tyras was honored with a magnificent blanket with his ini- 
tials worked in gold, in the four corners, costly collars to 
match — and a sofa; — also this explanatory poem: 
"Tyras, sei huebsch, artig und gut, 

Sei es by Tag, sei es by Nacht! 

Bewache unsern Kanzler gut: 

Dan wird als Praeset dir dies Kanape gebracht." 

Or, "Tyras, be good, gentle and kind; all day long and 
through the night watch over our Chancellor faithfully; — 
and this gift of a sofa you'll receive." 

US® 
fi But this was only the beginning. At the Universal Exposi- 
tion in the jewelers' section, one day a tall stranger was in- 
specting the beautiful display, and one of the exhibitors, bow- 
ing politely, asked the stranger to accept a magnificent dia- 



196 Blood and Iron 

mond ring. "Your Highness knows very well that he can- 
not deceive me! I respect your Highness* desire to remain 
incognito, but your fame has preceded you!" 
In vain the stranger protested. The ring was passed, the 
exhibitor was highly pleased, the stranger offered a card, 
"Alexander Schnabel, Bavaria." The exhibitor still smiled, 
saying, "I respect your Highness' incognito!" The stranger 
then quickly disappeared in the crowd. What is that shout- 
ing over yonder? "Hurrah for Count Bismarck! He comes! 
He comes!" In a moment, the diamond merchant saw it all. 
He had been cruelly deceived, and furthermore had deceived 
himself! 

ill 

52 

Strange superstition ingrained in this Bismarck 
mind; what ikon do you believe in, as you urge to 
duty and glory? 

fl In this life, each man has, secretly or openly, some ikon 
against which to charge, by way of explanation, his personal 
history. 

In the story of Bismarck many ikons have been used by 
many writers, to account for the puzzle of this great man's 
complex career. 

Some call it ambition; others will power; others destiny. 
Certainly, in his long and adventurous career Bismarck was 
often close to death. 

fl Now Bismarck himself always had his own peculiar ikon. 
He called it God. His speeches for many years before Sa- 
dowa, his protests in behalf of his King, as against the ris- 
ing tide of Liberalism, always contained amidst thunders of 
political consequence, the name God as the one explanation 
of Bismarck's history and Bismarck's ultimate victory. 
U If that be true — and it is not for us to say yes or no, for 
we are reporting the man as he is and not the way we 
think he should be — then God was at the bloody field of 
Sadowa, on the side of the 221,000 Germans, armed with 
needle-guns, and not on the side of the 224,000 Austrians, 
armed with old-fashioned muzzle-loaders; — and the clash of 



The German People Are One and United 197 

445,000 men with tens of thousands left dead on the field, 

was the final expression of the will of God. 

ft Thus reasoned Bismarck, and surely he should be the best 

authority on the conclusions of his own mind? As a matter 

of fact, Bismarck's profound belief that God was on his side 

but shows Bismarck's excess of faith — the faith that moves 

mountains. 

g § 1 

ft It has been said by eminent historians that Bismarck as 
the Unifier of Germany had in his mind's eye, for many years, 
the dream of Empire; and the statement is either true or 
false. 

ft These writers call Bismarck the man with the vision, the 
seer, the German patriot who saw in an early dream the stir- 
ring plan to which he was to devote his long and arduous life, 
ft You are familiar with the painting by LaFarge, depicting 
the boy Napoleon, in the school yard at Brien, walking to 
one side, by himself? On his youthful brow is already an 
air of strange preoccupation, that cloud of ambition, as an 
outward sign that the boy's imagination is bodying forth the 
heroic deeds of the man, many years hence. 
ft Do not believe it! It is only a poetic fancy, not human life. 
Plans such as Bismarck met and carried forth, empires such 
as Napoleon founded are not placed constructively before one 
in a vision, nor are the complex ramifications attendant upon 
their ultimate achievement a matter of pre-vision. 
It is only the small mind that plans down to the hair's 
breadth. Your truly great man, like Bismarck or Napoleon, 
takes up life as he finds it, and little by little learns the busi- 
ness of compelling other men to do his bidding; and always 
in this there is a large element left to the hazard of the 
die; or to use Bismarck's own phrase just before Sadowa, 
"Now we shall see how the god of battle rolls the iron dice!" 
Your great man rides forth to the battle, prepared to take 
instant advantage of circumstances as they may rise. 
ft Bismarck's idea of United Germany, at least the idea he 
always gave to the public, was that the thing might be done, 
with and through the power of God. 
The word God appears and reappears in connection with his 



198 Blood and Iron 

plan; in his messages, speeches, dispatches, and in his private 
letters, he calls on God. I am not here to say that Bismarck 
had religious visions. I take it that he never heard mysteri- 
ous voices or saw ghostly forms, but instead was an in- 
tensely human man who fought out his life even as you fight 
out yours — with the powers with which you are endowed, 
and for such ends as seem worth the price, to you. The re- 
ligious faith learned at his mother's knee, made Bismarck's 
life-work a sacred vocation. He believed that he was chosen 
by God to educate, guide and discipline the German people. 

m m m 

53 

"My dear professor, whoever has once looked into 
the breaking eye of a dying warrior on the battle- 
field, will pause ere he begins war." 

If And now we meet Bismarck back in Berlin wearing his 
Koeniggraetz military cross, suspended by a ribbon around 
the collar of his plain blue Prussian uniform. But the great 
strain of the years is beginning to show. For one thing Bis- 
marck's eyes are failing; he uses a glass as he muses over 
his mounds of state papers; his face is lined with deep marks; 
care has done its work; our Otto is now bald, obese and stiff- 
jointed, much more so than his 54 years might seem to call 
for. In making speeches he does not speak as boldly, as di- 
rectly as in days of yore. He stops, hesitates, stammers, 
but manages to hold the crowd. 

jf You see he has a world of things on his mind; the under- 
play of the great political game absorbs his very life. What, 
pray, about this subconscious impression, that everybody has 
about an impending war with France? Bismarck, as deep 
as the sea, is still seemingly as open as a child. 
One day, a famous professor made the fateful inquiry as had 
hundreds of journalists — and this time Bismarck replied, "My 
dear professor, whoever has once looked into the breaking 
eye of a dying warrior on the battlefield, will pause ere he 
begins a war." 

U So much for the astuteness of the man with the iron cross. 
He is indeed no longer learning the game. 



The German People Are One and United 199 

U Already Bismarck was thinking of great armaments 
against France; for she was now demanding territorial com- 
pensations, as between Prussia and Austria. We find in the 
"Revue Modern," August, 1865, this striking interview with 
Bismarck, by the French writer, Vilbort: 
fl "About 10 p. m. we were in the study of the Premier, when 
M. Benedette, the French Ambassador, is announced. 'Will 
you take a cup of tea in the salon?' M. de Bismarck said to 
me. 'I will be yours in a moment.' Two hours passed away; 
midnight struck; one o'clock. Some twenty persons, his fam- 
ily and intimate friends, awaited their host. 
fl "The tiny cloud on the horizon as yet had no name, but this 
cloud hung to the west across the Rhine. 
tl "At last he appeared, with a cheerful face and a smile upon 
his lips. Tea was taken; there was smoking and beer, in 
German fashion. Conversation turned, pleasantly or seri- 
ously, on Germany, Italy and France. Rumors of a war with 
France were then current for the tenth time in Berlin. At 
the moment of my departure, I said: 'M. le Ministre, will you 
pardon me a very indiscreet question? Do I take war or 
peace with me back to Paris?' M. de Bismarck replied, with 
animation: 'Friendship, a lasting friendship with France! I 
entertain the firmest hope that France and Prussia, in the 
future, will represent the dualism of intelligence and 
progress.' Nevertheless, it seemed to us that at these words 
we surprised a singular smile on the lips of a man who is 
destined to play a distinguished part in Prussian politics, 

the Privy Councillor Baron von . We visited him the 

next morning, and admitted to him how much reflection this 
smile had caused us. 'You leave for France tonight,' he re- 
plied; 'well, give me your word of honor to preserve the se- 
cret I am about to confide to you until you reach Paris ? Ere 
a fortnight is past we shall have war on the Rhine, if 
France insists upon her territorial demands. She asks of 
us what we neither will nor can give. Prussia will not cede 
an inch of German soil; we cannot do so without raising 
the whole of Germany against us, and, if it be necessary, 
let it rise against France rather than ourselves." 
TI The treasonable speech of the Baron did not, however, bear 



200 Blood and Iron 

fruit "in a fortnight," but Bismarck knew the great political 
game well, and everything served him in his German under- 
takings. We shall see. 

m m m 

54 

The curtain falls in triumph on another spirited act 
in the great drama "Germania." 

jf The political fruits of Sadowa may be summed up in a few 
sentences. We clear the air for the grand finale, at the 
palace of the French kings at Versailles, four years later. 
H By the Prague treaty, August 23, 1866, Austria consented 
to the reconstruction of the Federation and retired from the 
scene. 

Bismarck saw that the large states beyond the River Main, — 
Bavaria, Wuertemberg, Baden and South-Hesse, were not 
yet ready for his new North German Confederation; but he 
would bring them in — somehow — later! As for Hanover, 
Hesse-Cassel, Frankfort, and Schleswig-Holstein, they were 
now mapped with Prussia, their crime being this, that they 
had opposed Prussia in a half-hearted way, before Sadowa. 
|J Bismarck now set up his popular Prussian Constitution. 
Wonder of wonders ! Really, it differed not in essentials from 
the hated Liberal Constitution that he had assailed so vigor- 
ously in 1848. Also, up to 1866, the Unifier of Germany had 
as we have seen always appeared as an opponent of the Na- 
tional German party. When, however, he had become its 
leader, through the great politico-military struggle, he 
brought about the results vainly fought for by the patriots 
in the revolution of 1848. The distinction was that in the 
Revolutionary days, the King would have been obliged to 
stoop to the gutter for a "people's crown," whereas now he 
need do no such humiliating thing. The two wars had proven 
William monarch "by Divine right." 

ff However, a blaze of aristocratic honors at the hands of 
King William pleased Bismarck more than he was willing 
to admit. Count Bismarck, one night, when the people came 
with the torchlights, sounded the old German keynote in a 
new way, as follows: 



The German People Are One and United 201 

fl "We have always belonged to each other as Germans — we 
have ever been brothers — but we were unconscious of it. In 
this country, too, there were different races: Schleswigers, 
Holsteiners, and Lauenburgers; as, also, Mecklenburgers, 
Hanoverians, Luebeckers, and Hamburgers exist, and they 
are free to remain what they are, in the knowledge that 
they are Germans — that they are brothers. And here in 
the North we should be doubly aware of it, with our Piatt 
Deutsch, which stretches from Holland to the Polish frontier; 
we were also conscious of it, but have not proclaimed it un- 
til now. But that we have again so joyfully and vividly been 
able to recognize our German descent and solidarity — for 
that we must thank the man whose wisdom and energy have 
rendered this consciousness a truth and a fact, in bringing 
our King and Lord a hearty cheer. Long live His Majesty, 
our most gracious King and Sovereign, William the First!" 
II A cheer resounded throughout the castle-yard. 
fl The new Constitution gave to the people manhood suffrage 
and a popular Assembly. The King of Prussia was made 
President of the new Federation, but not its sovereign. 
Prussia ruled in her own way, henceforth, but the fiction of 
the King, as President, served to steady the minor dis- 
gruntled German princelings, who were led to believe that 
their councils were still reckoned with in great affairs. How- 
ever, the voting was so arranged that Prussia controlled, off- 
hand, 17 out of 48 units in the new political Confederation — 
and in a pinch Bismarck could rely on having the desired 
majority. 

fl Some say that Bismarck was influenced by the socialist 
Lasalle to make concessions to the people, of a piece with 
the concessions which in '48 Bismarck had fought because 
they sprang from revolutionists; but the liberal aspects of 
the new Constitution served to place the great dream of 
German Unity on a firmer basis than would otherwise have 
been possible. Bismarck was learning this: To try to choke 
the current of public opinion is folly; the wise man, instead, 
aims to direct the waters to his own advantage. 
U The North German Confederation comprised 22 states and 
Bismarck was made Chancellor. The Constitution was 



202 Blood and Iron 

adopted February 24th, 1867. For all practical purposes, 

the German Empire was now a fact. 

If But more work was still to be done, by way of bloody 

Gravelotte, Metz, Mar-la-Tour, St. Privat, Woerth, Spichern 

Heights, Sedan, and the Siege of Paris. 

IJCorpses, corpses everywhere, lying in windrows miles long! 



55 

The master uses the masses as the gardener utilizes 
manure — fertilizing the soil with blood and bones! 

U Bismarck knows that to demand in an emphatic way is the 
surest way of receiving. He is always studying men, look- 
ing ahead to the time of the inevitable French war. He is 
asking himself, concerning various monarchs of adjacent 
nations, opposed to Prussia: "On which side will he be?" 
"Is he weak?" "Can he be relied on to stand on my side?" 
"Is he dangerous?" "Will he take a bribe?" "At any rate, 
give him what he wants — but let me do it in such a way that 
he thinks he is forcing us to do what he wants, whereas we 
know how to make him actually demand our own terms!" 
flThus Bismarck without histronic talent, with his piping 
voice and his prohibitory bulk for heroic theater-roles, is at 
heart the great actor-manager of his time. Instead of creat- 
ing parts, he deals them out. 

fi He goes through this world during these trying times 
finding the best men to do his own bidding in the coming 
war. And when he is hissed down by those who will not 
acknowledge his right he breaks their power by defying them 
— as the hurricane scatters the clouds, nor asks permission. 
U They say that had he lost the Austrian war, he would have 
gone to the gallows. Can a Man of Destiny lose ? 
fl A new era is dawning. The old worn-out system for a dis- 
united Germany of 39 jealous states is to be swept away. 
K For thirty years he dreamed of the inevitable German 
Union, had his visions of that glory. He was greater than 
himself in those black hours before the Parliament, for four 
long years thundering for his side; — with public opinion flat 



The German People Are One and United 203 

against him, and with mutterings on part of angry mobs that 
would bring the rope and hang Bismarck to the highest tree. 

m n n 

H Throughout Germany, distressed as her people had been 
for years past by political and social miseries, a growing 
consciousness of brotherhood, blood and language was at 
last about to be politically realized. 

Even Napoleon the Little, political fool that he was in many 
respects, at least had one idea that showed his common 
sense. However, in his day he was laughed out of court for 
his "theory of nationality," that is to say, he believed that 
people speaking a common language and living in contiguous 
territory, have an inalienable right to a common flag. 
If Now that is precisely what German poets had in mind, 
in their romantic way, when for well-nigh 100 years past 
they had been dreaming of a united Fatherland — 

Fuer Heim und Herd, fuer Weib und Kind 
Fuer jedes treue Gut — 

Or, in other words, a man's house is his castle and if men 
will not fight for their hearthstones, then they will soon have 
no hearthstones. 

For home and hearth, for wife and child — 

These things we prize the most; 

And fight to keep them undefiled 

By foreign ruffian host. 

For German Right, for German Speech, 

For German household ways, 

For German homesteads, all and each 

Strike men, through battle's blaze! 

Hurrah! Hurrah! 

Hurrah, Germania! 

fi The words, "Auf, Deutschland, auf, und Gott mit dir!"— 
"To arms, Germany, and God be with thee!" is a National 
hymn breathing the solemn thought that Germans are not 
slaves — 

Old feuds, old hates are dashed aside 

All Germany is one! 



204 Blood and Iron 

U Bismarck's work, raw as it may seem in many respects, was 

consecrated to the great central idea that the German race 

is one, or as the poet Freiligrath puts it in one of his stirring 

lines, "Das deutsche Volk ist Eins!" 

Tf The whole thing comes down to the inner meaning of the 

word "patriotism." Tolstoi calls patriotism a frightful vice; 

Washington regarded patriotism as a virtue of virtues. 

flTake your choice. 

fl He is even now brooding over the element necessary for 

the perpetuation of a free and United Germany. He reads 

his Bible and prepares for the French war. 

fl Bismarck used the masses as the gardener uses manure. 

The blood of the peasantry manured the ground, out of which 

was to grow the harvest. 



CHAPTER XV 

Stye <&xmt I*ar, IBTfl 

56 

Bismarck and Von Moltke, over a bowl of sherry 
punch, discuss "these poor times" — The Emperor- 
hunt begins. 

fl Volumes have been written to explain the origin of the 
Franco-Prussian war, and the intricate and inter-related 
facts are gone over again and again, now with emphasis here, 
again on the other side. 

m m m 

If It is trite to say that Bismarck foresaw that a war with 
France was inevitable. Behind this simple statement is a 
world of intrigue and ambition. The French still hold that 
the annexation of Alsace-Lorraine was the price not of war 
but of Bismarck's brigandage. The French also believe that 
the candidacy of Prince Leopold Hohenzollern for the Span- 
ish throne was a Prussian intrigue against France. The 
controversy on these points will never be settled, till the 
Doomsday Book is opened. 



The German People Are One and United 205 

H When Bismarck sees that his work of unifying Germany 
cannot be completed without another war, the war comes! 
His amazing insight into complex political, military and 
historical situations, in which with a few words he is able 
to divert public opinion to his own peculiar view, has been 
shown never with more diabolical cunning than at the time 
of the breaking out of the Franco-Prussian war. We refer 
here to the "Ems dispatch," that played a startling part in 
bringing on the war; but the telegram, in itself, was really 
a simple thing. 

fl For four years, Germany had been increasing her military 
power by ten-fold. The greatest military martinet of all 
time, Von Roon, had the men up at three and four in the 
morning drilling them as human beings were never drilled 
before. Von Moltke, "with the battle pictures in his brain," 
was planning every detail against France. 
If The preparations were now complete. The Germans were 
thoroughly organized, led by generals guided by a single 
brain, von Moltke, master of tactics and strategy. 
If Just the day the war broke out von Moltke, who was always 
as taciturn as the Sphinx, "and in times of peace ugly and 
crabbed," was sitting in his garden moodily declaiming 
against these poor times — with no war in sight! 
Bismarck greeted his compatriot, bravely. Von Moltke or- 
dered sherry punch and the two cronies began drinking each 
other's health, 

ff "You are not looking well, Chief?" began Bismarck. 
If "No, I have not been well, lately!" 

If "But you must cheer up. War is your business and you 
will now quickly mend. I remember when the Spanish war 
was the burning question you looked at least ten years 
younger. When I told you that the Hohenzollern prince gave 
the thing up, you became at once ten years older. This time, 
the French have made difficulties, and you look fresh and 
younger by ten years." 

1fln this light-hearted way Bismarck spoke of the oncoming 
strife — up to the year 1914 the bloodiest in the history of 
the world. 



2o6 Blood and Iron 



57 

The bugle blast "For God and Fatherland!" again 
resounds throughout Germany — The great host 
crosses the Rhine. 

fl Up to 1914, there never was such a disciplined army since 
the world began! Neither Napoleon, Caesar nor Alexander 
ever had a power like the United German swarm, now num- 
bering 1,200,000 men, counting advance and reserve; how- 
ever, the total strength was never called, as the war was 
practically over in seven weeks. 

The hosts of Germany, 800,000 strong, helmeted, machine- 
like, moved silently and swiftly toward the Rhine, carrying 
their trusty needle-guns which had done such destruction 
at Koeniggraetz. As they marched they sang the war songs 
of their race, and swore to guard the Rhine. 

Zum Rhine, zum Rhine, zum Deutchen Rhine, 

Wir alle wollen Hueter sein; 

Lieb Vaterland magst ruhig sein, 

Fest steht und treu die Wacht am Rhine! 

fl The King immediately left for the seat of war, Mayennce 
being the first headquarters of the royal party. Bismarck 
was always close to the King. 

If Bismarck had been only a few days in the field when his 
health began to improve. Like von Moltke, Bismarck looked 
ten years younger. 

The old-time biliousness and vein-swelling from which he 
suffered, now passed away; the irritability vanished; he was 
cool and collected. 

U He was attended throughout the war by a corps of cipher- 
ers, decipherers, cooks, privy counsellors, secretaries, and 
couriers. Faithful Dr. Busch, head of the Bismarck press- 
agency, was one of the busiest men of the hour. Bismarck, 
who learned the power of the press in shaping public opinion, 
kept Busch constantly employed sending out telegrams, giv- 
ing the German side of the war. 



The German People Are One and United 207 

If The Chancellor wore the white uniform of Heavy Landwehr 
Cavalry, with white cap and top boots. 

TI Bismarck and his staff camped along the line of advance, 
wherever night fell — sometimes in the chateau of a French 
nobleman, again in the hut of a French peasant. The com- 
pany ate at a common table, and had the same fare. Bis- 
marck was called "Chief." 

U Often the table was made by taking doors off their hinges 
and placing them on barrels or boxes; then waiters spread 
the cloth and brought out pewter plates and huge tumblers 
of a silver-like metal, lined with gilt. 

Candles were stuck in empty wine bottles. Thus the great 
man worked during the war, week after week. 
Dr. Busch, although a very busy man, managed to gather two 
volumes of table talk, minute details of what Bismarck said, 
ate, drank, preached, the whole set forth in spirited style, 
affording an intimate picture of the Iron Chancellor to which 
all historians are henceforth under obligations. 
U Firing was going on around the royal party, often dan- 
gerously near by, and now and then a battle would take place 
close to where the King was encamped, with his faithful 
minister. They would ride out, to see the fight. Bismarck 
read dispatches, made notes, talked to His Majesty, gave 
instructions on state matters, counseled with von Moltke on 
military matters, received visits, and studied maps. This 
continued all day and sometimes all night. 

m m m 

58 
Germans drink 2,500,000 bottles of champagne at 
Rheims — Bismarck's ironical revenge! 

fl The high tension of war was relieved by amusing episodes, 
from day to day. In the evening of the arrival at Rheims, 
Bismarck humored himself trying various brands of cham- 
pagne. Word was brought that the day before a squadron 
of Prussian hussars had been fired on from a leading hotel. 
Bismarck ordered that the house should at once be torn down 
and the landlord sent to prison; but when it was explained 



208 Blood and Iron 

that none had been injured, Bismarck waggishly decided to 
lei the landlord off if he would give 2,500 bottles of cham- 
pagne to the squadron — an obligation which the man quickly 
proceeded to settle. 

U The Prussians drank, in and around Rheims, some 2,500,000 
bottles of champagne; and, for that matter, the highways 
all the way to Paris were marked with long lines of empty 
bottles ! 

HUH 

fl Thus Bismarck had his ironical revenge on France; took 
his cherry brandy or his champagne as he pleased, while 
the great war waged. 

11 II 11 
fl "Verily, in all history," wrote Carlyle to the London Times, 
"there is no instance of an insolent unjust neighbor that ever 
got so complete, instantaneous and ignominious a smashing 
down, as France now got from Germany." The whole civ- 
ilized world looked on in amazement. 

fl France had declared war July 15th, and the crushing defeat 
at Sedan came September 1. 

However, it took seven months before Bismarck was satis- 
fied that the final papers were drawn to his satisfaction. 
Louis Napoleon being a prisoner of war, had lost his throne; 
and consequently Bismarck insisted that any peace made 
with France would have to be ratified by some central au- 
thority. It is a long, interesting story, but Bismarck finally 
won his point. 



59 

Sedan and the Belgian weaver's hut; the highways 
to Paris are strewn with wine bottles; death drinks 
a toast to "German Unity." 

If As it had been the Iron Chancellor's fortune to be present 
at the crowning victory of Koeniggraetz, in the Austrian 
war, likewise it was now his destiny to be a spectator at the 
two battles that decided the issue of the French war, Grave- 
lotte and Sedan. 



The German People Are One and United 209 

The spoils were immense, the glory set Germany in flames. 
Bismarck, von Roon and von Moltke were held to be the 
greatest men of all time. 

H Gravelotte, the bloodiest battle of the campaign, engaged 
333,000 men and 1,362 cannon. The King commanded in 
person, on the right, and Bismarck was with him. 
The carnage was frightful. Bismarck busied himself carry- 
ing water to the wounded. When the sun went down, Ger- 
man victory was complete, at the loss of every tenth man! 
If That night, Bismarck bivouacked on the battlefield, amidst 
serried ranks of the dead. Says one who saw the terrifying 
scene: "Anon, the watchfires of the Prussians blazed round 
about; and worn out by incredible exertions at last Bismarck 
fell asleep, among the living and the dead. He was now to 
have evidence of the result of his life-long ambition; he had 
plunged his country into three great wars, with all their K/ 
dreadful toll of human life; but he slept that night the sleep 
of the just — because he saw, in the complex blending of his 
ideas, no inconsistency in paying any price for the glory of 

his country." _ _ __ 

J 111 

If The whole bloody day at Gravelotte Bismarck had nothing 
to eat. Finally, he found a hen's nest with five eggs; giving 
three to half-starving soldiers near by, Bismarck with his 
sword broke the shells of the two remaining and sucked the 
eggs. 

Next morning he had some sausage soup, the first warm 
food that had passed his lips for 36 hours. 
fl While he was standing dismounted, a concealed French bat- 
tery began a tremendous cannonade; the shells dropping all 
around, exploded, and plowed up the ground. 
If Night again. Nothing to eat. A sutler had some miserable 
rum and wine. Bismarck took that, at once, but there was 
not a morsel to eat. In the village, a few cutlets were found 
after a hard search, just enough for the King. 
His Majesty decided not to bivouac among the dead again, 
but took shelter at a little public house. 

If Bismarck with General Sheridan set off to find a sleeping 
place. House after house was filled with the wounded. 



210 Blood and Iron 

Finally they found three empty beds with straw mattresses. 

Here Bismarck and General Sheridan took up their quarters 

and slept capitally. 

Sheridan was present as official observer for the United 

States Army. In his life, he had seen many great battles, 

including Gettysburg and Sedan. 

fl Bismarck talked to Sheridan in English; and at dinner they 

drank champagne and porter, Bismarck's favorite beverage. 

ill 

flWith tens of thousands of Cuirassiers as companions the 
King and Bismarck rode down the broad highways, toward 
Paris; Bismarck wore his famous big top-boots. 
What a picture the King, Bismarck and von Moltke march- 
ing down the highways of France, at their back their al- 
mighty army, up to 1914 the greatest in all history, its fight- 
ing strength 600,000 men, perfectly drilled and armed with 
deadly needle-guns. In puffs of smoke the reign of Napoleon 
the Little was ending; and it is now curious to recall that, 
50 years before, as a young lieutenant, the present King of 
Prussia had traversed almost the identical route with the 
Allies, to help defeat Napoleon the Great! 

HUH 
If The iron heel of war was grinding men's lives into the 
dust, setting fire to the country, and leaving a trail of de- 
struction. 

France looked along the German route as though a cyclone 
had devastated the face of nature. 

fl Past cities, towns, vineyards, chateaux, the tramp, tramp, 
tramp; the roll of the war drums; the rumbling of wheels — 
so the terrible Prussians marched on! 

If "Summer was passing," says Lowe, "Autumn was coming 
fast; France had turned from the sap green of the vineyards 
to the golden hues of the harvest; but it was the harvest of 
Death." 

II® 

If Now came a gigantic cavalry movement, to the right, a 
prodigious wheel, to round-up the French MacMahon, who had 
dodged and doubled in the basin of the Meuse. "The chase," 



The German People Are One and United 211 

said Bismarck, "reminds me of a wolf hunt in the Ardennes, 
but when we arrived, the wolf had vanished!" 
To make common ground with Bazaine, MacMahon concen- 
trated his troops, with the idea of breaking the siege of Metz, 
where 175,000 French soldiers were undergoing the horrors 
of starvation. 

The Germans outwitted MacMahon, who finally decided to 
make a last stand around the frontier fortress of Sedan. 
fl On the night of August 31, the Germans closed in on him, 
in what proved to be one of the momentous battles in the 
world's history. 

Von Eoon and Moltke had 121,000 infantry and 618 cannon, 
the French 70,000 of all arms, 320 cannon and 70 Mitrail- 
leuses. 

On the slopes of Frenois, the Prussian King, Bismarck and 
a brilliant retinue witnessed for ten hours the dreadful car- 
nage reddening the fields. 

fl"More artillery!" cried the King, surprised that the French 
would not yield. 

In the King's retinue stood Bismarck, a crowd of princes, 
dukes, aide-de-camps, marshals, besides army attaches of 
Russia, England and America. 

If On the King's order, 600 German guns began drawing the 
most terrific artillery fire in the history of battles, concen- 
trating an ever-narrowing circle of flame and shell around 
the doomed place. It was too much for flesh and blood; a 
white flag was hoisted. 

The Prussian flag of truce to inquire for the commander, 
was led into the presence of Napoleon, trapped at Sedan! 
% Moltke 's terms were short; the whole French army was to 
surrender as prisoners of war. 

The French regarded this as too severe after their heroism, 
but the Prussians were inexorable; an armistice left the final 
decision till daylight. 

m m m 

U Bismarck passed the night at the house of Dr. Jeanpot, at 
Donchery, a few miles from the bloody field of Sedan. 
Along about daybreak, a servant awakened Bismarck, telling 



212 Blood and Iron 

him a French general was at the door. It was Eeille, Napo- 
leon's messenger, saying "Napoleon is on the way over to 
see the King of Prussia!" 

If What a moment! How Bismarck's pride must have risen; 
how he must have gritted his wolf's teeth and felt his gorge 
rise as he realized that the hour of his life-long revenge was 
at hand, against his old enemy. 

If And yet, that night, he had been reading in his room after 
the dreadful Sedan carnage — what do you think? Human 
inconsistency! "Daily Refreshment for Believing Chris- 
tians," by the Moravian brotherhood. 

If Unwashed, breakfastless, Bismarck immediately set out, 
his revolver in his belt; down the road Napoleon's carriage, 
"evidently a hired one," said Bismarck afterwards, recount- 
ing the scene, "came into view; the Emperor was escorted by 
a handful of officers; Napoleon had on his military uniform, 
wore white kid gloves, and was smoking a cigarette!" 
If Bowing and asking His Majesty's pleasure, Napoleon asks 
Bismarck, "I wish to meet the King of Prussia." Bismarck 
replies, "Unfortunately impossible; the King is quartered 
some fifteen miles away." However, it is only a trick to gain 
time. Bismarck has certain powerful reasons why he does 
not desire, just then, that Napoleon and William should 
meet. We shall see, presently. 

If Napoleon drives slowly onward, but nearing Donchery 
hesitates on account of the crowd; and spying a solitary cot- 
tage near by, asks if he could not remain there. 
If It is the hut of a weaver of Donchery — a mean, dirty place 
— and stands about fifteen paces from the high-road, which 
is lined with poplars; the house is one-story, yellow, with 
four windows, and has a slate roof. 

If Bismarck and Napoleon ascend a rickety, narrow staircase 
giving entrance to a gloomy chamber, in which are a deal 
table and two rush-bottomed chairs. Here the two men sit 
alone for an hour. What a moment in history! 

m m m 

If Only a few years before, that is to say, in October, 1865, 
Bismarck had sought out Napoleon III, or "Napoleon the 



> -, 



The German People Are One and United 213 

Little," and had held a famous political interview; the meet- 
ing at Biarritz found Napoleon filled with ambitions to emu- 
late the illustrious career of his uncle, Napoleon Bonaparte; 
but the secret although well kept did not escape the vision 
of Bismarck. 

\ The Iron Chancellor came as a friend, on a pleasant ex- 
change of diplomatic courtesies, but in secret he was sound- 
ing Napoleon's possible attitude in the oncoming Prussian 
war, against Austria. The Emperor was completely tricked. 
Bismarck talked frankly of the necessity of "reform" in the 
German Confederation, and Napoleon, whose hobby was that 
peoples speaking the same language should be under one 
rule, fell in quite naturally with the plan to "reform" Prus- 
sia. The Emperor thought that Bismarck had in mind only 
certain constitutional changes in Prussia, not dynastic 
changes, destroying the European balance of power and pre- 
paring the way for German Unity. 

\ Bismarck made clear to the Emperor that, in return for 
keeping out of any impending Austrian clash, France would 
be rewarded by enlarged boundaries. As an enlightened 
egotist, Bismarck felt that it was "only fair" to acknowledge 
French help with the left bank of the Rhine. It was all 
a bluff. But Napoleon, with his hunger to enlarge French 
territory, and to appear before France as a sort of second 
Napoleon the Great, fell in with the conspiracy. Herein, 
the Bismarckian skill at stacking the cards reaches its height. 
HAnd now to think that the next meeting of the French 
lamb and the Prussian wolf should take place in a weaver's 
hut, Napoleon stripped of glory and power by the man who 
was to "give" great lands to France. 

If The Emperor had been caught in his own trap; his armies 
had been crushed; his government destroyed by Bismarck's 
genius for political intrigue. The rise to power of Prussia 
over Austria, against which Napoleon had been tricked not 
to protest, was a turning point in the history of modern 
Europe. Hence we say that these two contrasted interviews, 
the one of glory, the other of the downfall, Biarritz and the 
Weaver's Hut, show our Otto von Bismarck as the supreme 
politico-military genius of his time. 



214 Blood and Iron 

If A curious sidelight on the famous interview at Biarritz is 
supplied by Bismarck's writings. "Napoleon said things 
could not go on as they had been doing, in Prussia," wrote 
Bismarck, "otherwise there would soon be an uprising in 
Berlin and a revolution in the whole country. I told him 
that the people of our country were not barricade-builders, 
and that in Prussia revolutions were made only by the kings. 
If the King could stand the strain on him for three or four 
years he would certainly win the game. Unless he got tired 
and left me, I would not fail him. The Emperor at that time 
said of me, 'Ce n'est pas un homme serieux,' (Bismarck is 
not a serious man), a mot of which I did not think myself at 
liberty to remind him, in the weaver's hut, at Donchery." 

s s s 

II Bismarck exercised all his mighty ingenuity to keep Napo- 
leon from urging too far that the King of Prussia be brought 
forward. Bismarck knew that King William was tender- 
hearted, and, tempted by the disaster that had come to Na- 
poleon, would in consequence be inclined to deal leniently 
with the Emperor. 

fi Bismarck, setting his iron jaws hard, determined then and 
there to keep the Prussian King out of it till the terms of 
peace had been arranged. 

If Come, come, are we not justified in our character study of 
Bismarck? Who now is master, who now servant? Who 
now is shown to be the real power behind the throne? And 
if Bismarck did not actually bring on this awful war, then 
he well knew the art of making other nations declare war. 
Oh, he has learned a thing or two in his long and eventful 
life; and he is now about to create his diplomatic master- 
piece — in the Belgian weaver's hut. 

H S M 
U Sedan surrendered 40 generals, 2,825 various other officers, 
83,000 prisoners of war, 184 pieces of artillery, 350 field guns, 
70 Mitrailleuses, 12,000 horses, and enormous quantities of 
military stores. 

If The broken-hearted Emperor was sent away to the castle 
at Wilhelmshoehe, near Cassel. 



The German People Are One and United 215 

And the King of Prussia opened the champagne at his royal 
headquarters at Vendresse, and toasted von Roon, Moltke 
and Bismarck: "You, General von Roon, whetted our sword; 
you General von Moltke, wielded it; and you, Count Bismarck,, 
have brought Prussia to its present prominence " by the way 
in which you have directed its policy for several years." 

n a a 

60 
In which Bismarck reaches the zenith of his stupen- 
dous career; diplomatist, ministerial Caesar, unifier 
of his country. 

51 The Iron Chancellor held firmly to his plan to strip France 
of her last franc. 

The siege of Paris continued, with Bismarck and the King 
of Prussia installed at Versailles, within the shadow of the 
stately palace of the Kings of France. 

Ill 
U It is a long, vivid story leading to the 5,000,000,000 francs 
indemnity, and the cessation of Alsace-Lorraine. 
M. Thiers treated in vain to get softer terms; but Bismarck 
kept the King out of it and stuck to his hard bargaining. 
II "This is not war, it is confiscation!" Thiers exclaimed one 
day in terrible anger, and eloquently he parleyed to have the 
amount reduced. 

If Bismarck thereupon began to talk in German! 
fl "I have not enough French to answer such a charge as you 
have just made!" he thundered. "Henceforth, we carry on 
our affairs in German." 

fi M. Thiers threatened to appeal to Europe to intervene, but 
at this Bismarck broke into a hoarse laugh. 
He knew that he had in his pocket a secret quit-claim from 
Russia and Italy, Denmark and Belgium were tied in another 
way, Spain was hostile to the French, and as for England — 
he snapped his fingers! 

fi "Defy me, and I tell you what I will do ! We have in Ger- 
many about 100,000 excellent French troops, captured at 
Metz, who are still wholly devoted to the old Imperial cause. 



216 Blood and Iron 

I will release them and bring back the Bonapartists ! I care 
not who is in power so long as the proper sovereign govern- 
ment of France signs our peace demands for indemnity. 
Napoleon cannot do it, as his throne is in ruins; and even 
if he did, the next party in power would probably set it 
aside. So part of my duty is not only to demand for my 
King the just rewards of our victory, but to start France 
again with some new form of government." 
U Going behind this stern diplomatic language, what Bis- 
marck really meant was this: "The longer the French As- 
sembly hesitates to call an election the more we will starve 
the city into submission. Live on horseflesh, stale bread, 
cats and dogs! — die of fever and pestilence! — the sooner it 
is over! Our siege guns will continue to bark night 
and day, Paris will be reduced to ashes, crumble to ruins, 
but the demands of the Prussian King must be obeyed. 
No power on this earth can turn me from my project. I am 
resolved to wage a war of extermination — and I have 
spoken!" 

If "Very well, then!" exclaimed M. Thiers, "M. le Comte, as 
you will! Rob us of our homes! — provinces! — burn down our 
homes! — strangle our peaceful inhabitants! — in a word, com- 
plete your work! We shall fight you as long as our breath 
remains. Perhaps we shall die — but we shall never be dis- 
honored." 

If Bismarck seemed touched, but said all he had to do was to 
obey the orders of the King. 

Meantime he went out and was closeted again with Moltke 
and His Majesty. 

If "I do not believe," said M. Favre, "that any criminal ever 
waited for the judgment with more feverish anxiety. Motion- 
less, we followed with bewildered gaze the hands of the 
clock. 

|f "The door opened; Bismarck stood on the threshold, an- 
nouncing that he would not insist on the German troops en- 
tering Paris — provided we gave up Belfort! 
If "There was a moment of inexpressible agony, but an ex- 
change of glances sufficed. 'We should be wanting in pa- 



The German People Are One and United 217 

triotism if we accepted!' exclaimed M. Thiers. The door 
closed and Bismarck disappeared again. 

If "At eight o'clock, M. Thiers had reaped the reward of his 
heroic endeavors. He had saved Belfort, but in all other 
respects he had absolutely failed to move the man of blood 
and iron. For five fearful days they had wrestled with the 
problem of the 5,000,000,000 — and had lost! Bismarck had 
his own banker, the Jew Bleichroeder, to show that after all 
the indemnity would be adding 'only about one-fourth' to 
France's national debt." 

"jf On Sunday, February 26, the preliminaries of peace were 
signed. As Thiers signed, Bismarck took him by the hand, 
saying, "You are the last who ought to have been burdened 
by France with this sorrow — for of all Frenchmen you have 
the least deserved it!" 

If Bismarck, radiant with joy, signed the papers with a new 
golden pen sent him for this express purpose by the ladies 
of the German town of Pforsheim. 



If Said M. Favre : "The countenance of M. de Bismarck was 
most happy. With theatrical pomp, he sent for a golden pen. 
. . . M. Thiers approached the little table on which lay 
the documents; he wrote his name without betraying the feel- 
ings that tortured him. I tried to imitate him, and we with- 
drew. The sacrifice was accomplished. 

If "As a special understanding, it was agreed that the siege 
should be lifted that morning at four o'clock and that France 
should fire the last shot. 

fi"What sentiment in this, for Paris! Along then, in the 
deep night that precedes the dawn, with the sky illuminated 
by occasional flashes of the siege guns, at last the fire les- 
sened, slackened gradually, and then solemn silence fell. Sud- 
denly, through the night, a loud report was heard from the 
Paris ramparts, followed by a path of fire through the sky; 
this immediately died away, and deep silence, now unbroken, 
continued. 

If "The long siege was over!" 
If On the third day after signing the hard conditions, 30,000 



218 Blood and Iron 

German troops made their triumphal entry into Paris, after 
being reviewed on the plain of Longchamps. 
With the victorious Prussians, Bismarck rode as far as the 
Arc de Triomphe. 

fl It was one of the greatest incidents of his eventful life. 

Ill 

We have transposed to the last an episode that took place 
January 18th, 1871, the anniversary of the day on which the 
first King of Prussia had himself crowned at Koenigsberg, 
1701. 

In the Hall of Mirrors, at Versailles, King William I of 
Prussia was crowned German Emperor, amidst a clash of 
arms, martial music, hymns of praise, and the felicitations of 
a brilliant throng. 

In the semi-circle stood princes, grand dukes, dukes, crown 
princes, hereditary princes, generals, ministers, military and 
political figures, against a background of Prussian hussars. 
H The Hall of Mirrors at Versailles had seen many astonish- 
ing sights in the centuries gone by; and doubtless that night 
the shades of Richelieu, Louis XIV, Napoleon, Marie Antoi- 
nette, Marie Theresa, Madam Pompadour, looked down on one 
of the strangest incidents in all history, a German Emperor 
receiving his crown in the very palace of the old French 
kings, who in their turn, had waged some twenty hard wars 
upon Germany, and more than once had placed some part of 
German soil in pawn. Who read the proclamation to the 
assembled company expressing the new dignity of the sov- 
ereign over United Germany? 

]f The Man of Blood and Iron, Otto von Bismarck, at last had 
demonstrated the dream of his life, that is to say, he had 
in truth not only long been King's Man, but also long had 
upheld the King his master; had unified Germany;— and now 
had made his master more than king, as William I, German 
Emperor. 

If Bismarck's life work was now practically over; however, he 
was a busy man for twenty years to come, trying to settle 
Germany's perplexing internal problems; but in the Hall 
of Mirrors at Versailles he reached the zenith of his stupen- 
dous career as unifier of his country. 



The German People Are One and United 2ig 

U In this magnificent state apartment of Louis XIV are sev- 
enteen arcades of looking-glass, corresponding to the seven- 
teen large windows; the ceiling by Lebrun shows thirty inci- 
dents in the life of Louis the Magnificent, each painting bor- 
dered by rich gilded sculptures. 

The entire gallery is decorated with marbles and grand 
trophies of gilded copper, by Coysevox. 

In Louis's time, the gallery was hung in white damask bro- 
caded with gold; there were orange trees in rare boxes; the 
great central chandelier of gilded silver was by famous 
smiths; priceless Savonnerie carpets muffled the lightest foot- 
fall; round about were silver stools, with green velvet cover- 
ings surrounded by bands of gold brocade. Later, the silver 
was melted down, on Louis's order, and the money squan- 
dered. 

\\ These great artists worked in the Hall of Mirrors and 
neighboring apartments: Berain, Monsart, Lebrun, Lenotre, 
Grissey, Vigarani, Audran, Baptiste, Coustau, Coypel, Van 
Cleve, Tameri, Taupin, Tempore, Temporiti, numbering 
among them painters, sculptors, designers, architects, wood 
carvers, silversmiths and lockmakers extraordinary. 
U Here, Louis, surrounded by some 1,500 flatterers of all 
degree, high and low, kept his court of pleasure bestowing 
ribbons, favors, dinners, golden swords for the men, diamond 
necklaces for the women. 

$ However, 1789 ended all that; the mob stormed into im- 
perial chambers and through the apartments of the old aris- 
tocratic French courtesans; and with clubs, axes and fires 
laid in ruin art treasures that stood unmatched through 
centuries. 

% To this Versailles come now the Prussian soldiers to pro- 
claim their German Emperor; in this palace, where the Bour- 
bons had expended some 200,000,000 francs, as money is 
reckoned today; to say nothing of the free labor of thousands 
of convicts. 

No record tells what Louis spent on the place, but in August, 
1684, 8,000 horses and 20,000 convicts were working there, 
and in 1685 at one time as many as 36,000 convicts, in charge 
of soldiers, added their vast free labor to heighten the pe- 



220 Blood and Iron 

culiar glory of the great French monarchs, as the sublime 
representatives of kingcraft — in its splendor and in its 
downfall. 

m m m 

fl All hail, William I, German Emperor! All hail, Bismarck! 
All hail, United Germany! 



CHAPTER XVI 

Stye V?raaiU*0 M^BUxpmt 

61 
The Kaiser's crown at last, and how and why; herein, 
we sum up the very flower of our great man's 
genius; and mark it well! 

U The very name "Kaiser" brings up memories of the Middle 
Ages, thence backward to the days of imperial Caesar. 
Kaiser, at best, is but Caesar, rewritten. 
Yet Bismarck was at great pains to make clear that the sub- 
stitution of Kaiser for King of Prussia involved no restora- 
tion of ancient imperial institutions. 

fl The use of Kaiser, as the title for the new monarch, had 
behind it a deep, almost religious purpose, in conformity with 
the sense of nationality and brotherhood to which through 
long and painful development the German states had at last 
attained. Bismarck calls the return of the title "a political 
necessity, making for unity and centralization." 
fi "I was convinced," he says, "that the pressure solidifying 
our imperial institutions would be more permanent the more 
the Prussian wearer of the imperial title should himself avoid 
that dangerous striving on the part of our dynasty to flaunt 
its own pre-eminence in the face of other dynasties. King 
William I was not free from this inclination ... to call 
forth a recognition of the superior prestige of Prussia's 
crown, over the Kaiser's title." 

1} The Kaiser idea is simple : He is the sworn servant "of" 
the people, but his terms are his own, viz., all is "for" the 
people, but not "through" the people. 



The German People Are One and United 221 

Such in a few words is the Bismarckian conception of a 
strong ruler. 

m m m 

flit was not, then, to be "an expanded Prussia," but a Ger- 
man Empire. And the Kaiser's powers are hence the legal 
functions of an imperial organ, attached by the organic law 
of the Empire to the Prussian crown. 

Thus Germany is a true state, but not a monarchy; sov- 
ereignty does not rest with the Kaiser, but with the totality 
of the allied governments. And in turn the old states became 
provinces of the Empire; and the Kaiser exercises his powers 
in the name of the Empire. 

ill 
fl However, it must be recalled that Bismarck always de- 
tested political and social conformity, trampled conformity 
under foot, and with wild voice ridiculed conformity — 
especially when conformity meant to yield to the peasants 
a constructive share in the governments of the thirty-nine 
clashing German states. That is to say, his idea of freedom 
was to make the State paramount, guiding, directing and if 
need be disciplining the people. 

fl Memories fasten themselves on us, at this moment, mem- 
ories of the old days of struggle for nationality. 
It was on Bismarck's advice that, although Frederick William 
IV was bitten by the ambition to become ruler of United 
Germany, yet when the democratic Frankfort Diet offered 
him the crown, he did indignantly refuse; and many years 
later, his successor — that old man with the wonderful his- 
tory! — William I, after the victories of Sedan and Grave- 
lotte, was mightily afraid that the Berlin Parliament, rep- 
resenting democratic conformity, would offer him the honor 
of Emperor before that gift could be bestowed by the princes 
themselves. 

fl Ludwig of Bavaria in his letter to William, urging the im- 
perial title, Kaiser, or German Emperor, uses these words: 
"I have proposed to the German princes to join me in urging 
Your Majesty to assume the title, German Emperor, in con- 
nection with the exercise of the praedial rights of the Fed- 
eration." But it was Bismarck's masterpiece of politics, equal 



222 Blood and Iron 

to his stroke of Holstein, that sent to the King of Bavaria 
the proper diplomatic advices, to be acted upon by the South 
German princes and returned to the supposedly surprised 
William, urging on him to become German Emperor. 

IS IS 1 
flln spite of Bismarck's fine hand, Bavaria at first refused 
to accept the Iron Chancellor's advices. There is light on 
this topic in Herr Ottokar Lorenz's "Foundation of the Ger- 
man Empire," making clear among other facts that "the Ger- 
man eagle had a narrow escape from dying in the egg" 
Twice negotiations were broken off; finally, when the King 
of Bavaria tried to get his countrymen behind him in the 
plan to proclaim William of Prussia, German Emperor, at 
Versailles, "it was only after some hesitation and much 
regret." 

It took the Bavarian Landtag a month to make up its mind! 
To read the heated discussions is to destroy the legend that 
the proclamation of the Kaiser was by spontaneous demand. 
If But we must not press these things too far. The fact that 
King William had to fight for the magnificent honor he had 
won for himself and his country, is merely to say that men 
are men; nor should we ever forget that nothing creates so 
much jealousy as prosperity. 

fl Herr Bismarck had the cleverness to win, at last, and after 
that there is little to be added. 

For that matter, the much-lauded revolt of the American 
colonists against Britain was originally not endorsed by over 
one-third of the inhabitants. Yet, with the final victory, 
like a pack the colonists went over to the winning side, say- 
ing, "We told you so." 

fl We have nothing but praise for the way in which Bismarck 
created his Versailles masterpiece. That there was a political 
squabble behind the curtain, in Bavaria, was to be expected. 
1[ Tell me, did you ever achieve any success that you did not 
have to go out and fight for? 

It is an amiable fiction that men "recognize" each other's 
work, in politics, and "urge" on them rulership over nations. 
They, too, have to get out and fight for it! 



The German People Are One and United 22$ 

fl This necessity for turbulent striving to carry out political 
ideas was especially true of Germany during the period 
of which we write. Complex conditions long made National 
Unity a profound problem, not only in politics but in human 
nature. 

11 All manner of blacklegs were at work with here and there 
an honest man; national oratory was at once visionary, 
ludicrous and tragical; fanatics of the bomb, the knife and the 
poison-cup for years were abroad in the land. These situa- 
tions, growing from times past, compel you to hold with 
Bismarck that ultimate appeal to the sword was after all 
the only hope for a new Germany. 

If Bismarck did it grossly, but at least he went through with 
it — call it militarism or what you please. 
% For that matter, neither Britain, France, Belgium, (nor 
the United States with her 186-odd variants of Christianity 
in her 186-odd religious sects), grew out of political 
cynicism, least of all out of some aloof system of esoteric 
idealism. 

fl The King of Britain owes his crown to the sword; the Presi- 
dent of France his high office to the sword; the Belgian King 
traces his legitimacy to revolution; likewise, to revolution 
the President of the United States owes his right to rule 
during his brief hour of official authority. 
U But what would you in this imperfect world ? 
German Unity sprang from the needs of human hearts — 
fighting bravely for what they hold important! — even as you 
fight for your rights, or consent to remain a slave. And Ger- 
mans never will be slaves. 

% Therefore, know it now and be done with it, or make the 
most of it if you are inclined to snarl at realities: The 
Kaiser's crown came by the sword. Surely, you did not ex- 
pect that it fell from Heaven? As long as men are men, 
they must fight for what they achieve; and the German 
Empire is no exception; — nor is there any good reason to 
expect that history can possibly be other than the record of 
human nature, in action. 

fl Up to his downfall in 1890, Bismarck was an uncompromis- 
ing Royalist, scoffed at the common people as a source of 
political sovereignty. 



224 Blood and Iron 

ffNo man knows what is, ultimately, for the glory of God; 
but when in bitter retirement, thrown off by the grandson 
of William I, Bismarck, replying to the old dispute about 
the interior causes of the Franco-Prussian war, to which 
William owes his title German Emperor, it is a fact that 
Bismarck proceeded to weaken the royalist tradition by forc- 
ing the government to produce the Ems dispatch; and it was 
then made clear to the common people that there was behind 
it all the under-play of politics, thus dispelling the religious 
and patriotic glamour that the war had been entered upon to 
protect the Fatherland against the land-lust of Napoleon 
the Little. 

Had now the military right been used not to express the will 
of God, but the ends of human expediency? 
ft Bismarck certainly knew all this before the great war, but 
for reasons of political expediency suppressed the facts till 
in a moment of indignation he dropped the mask and called 
on all honest men to know the truth. 

Bismarck, twenty years before, had with equal indignation 
set up before the Prussians that their King had been grossly 
insulted, and that Napoleon wanted the left bank of the 
Rhine. 

ft But let us forget all this, in a broad acknowledgment of 
the fact that human beings at various times, for their own 
ends, do indeed wear various masks; and let us not keep up 
the fight forevermore; — but here and now let us grant to 
Bismarck final absolution, not claiming for him the perfection 
of the demigod. 

ft After all is said, history is not the record of some far-off 
manifest destiny, but instead is merely the sordid story of 
human nature in action, reciting at best the littleness that 
appertains to men's ways, with now and then the unrealized 
expression of some fleeting larger hope. 



The German People Are One and United 225 



62 

His Versailles masterpiece reduced to its final analy- 
sis, in terms of human nature; wherein it is made 
clear that Bismarck knew his German peasant as 
well as his Prussian King. 

fl The core of human interest around which Bismarck shaped 
his stupendous politico-military drama, in order that, in the 
end, William might become German Emperor, was neither an 
appeal to parliaments nor to armies, but a reply to a peculiar 
psychological something in the Teuton character that makes 
respect for the strong hand. 

It is only in the largest way that this fact may be made 
clear. It escapes categorical statement; — and can best be 
glimpsed behind the history of events, from the psychological 
rather than the physical side. 

If Bismarck manipulated an invisible but very real human 
force, made it the breath of life for his plans! 
fiThat he warped on the Nineteenth Century the old Holy 
Roman Empire conception of Divine-right is an amazing 
politico-military fact. 

It was only after many brilliant achievements that, at the 
height of his power, Caesar linked himself with the gods. 
Caesar's earlier life knew no such pretensions, but as he 
climbed the dizzy heights of fame, at last the day came 
when his kinship with the immortal gods themselves alone 
satisfied his inordinate ambitions; and from that time forth 
Divine-right became an established fact in the theological- 
political code of kings; and thus on, down through the 
Middle Ages, until the French Revolution destroyed confidence 
in the old-line absolute monarch, as vicegerent of Christ on 
this earth. 

m m m 

tf However, that Otto von Bismarck, the blond Pomeranian 
giant, warped on the Nineteenth Century the Imperial 
Caesarian idea of the Divine-right of kings is not the final 
fact of his work. The inner fact is that he urged the King's 
authority as a foil against the mob-idea of the French Revo- 



226 Blood and Iron 

lution. The liberty-crazed masses needed a strong hand at 
this time. 

U What made possible the coming of the Empire was not, 
after all, traceable entirely to the political side of Bismarck's 
hotly contested struggles. 

The innate craving of the German people for a strong ruler 
has a subtle inner meaning, too easily overlooked. 
ft In the final analysis, Bismarck's position expresses Prus- 
sian sense of National security in a powerful war lord, rather 
than supports the conception of master and man. His was 
not the position of lord and servant; rather it means a manly, 
intelligent admission of the necessity of a strong central 
authority in the nation. 

fl By the force of years of tedious repetitions, building on the 
plain laws of mental suggestion, Bismarck at last created 
certain dominating ideas; but the germ of these ideas already 
existed in Prussia's consciousness. 

The Prussian character supporting Divine-right represents 
a singular compound of cadet, blind confidence in aristocratic 
leadership, religious radicalism, worship of ancestors approx- 
imating the Chinese sentiment, and finally, a racial psychol- 
ogy of rulership, based on the rattan of Frederick the Great. 
On this total combination, the astute Bismarck played for 
thirty long years, warring for his lord and master, the Hohen- 
zollerns. 

A careful reading of Bismarck's speeches, letters, dispatches, 
will show that whatever political expediency he may at vari- 
ous times have followed, and however often he may have 
changed front, there is still in his great labor a tireless repe- 
tition of ideas commanding respect for vested authority, for 
ancestry, for a ruling class as against the ruled, and always 
for absolute dog-like obedience to some central commanding 
power. 

m m m 

1| The psychological something on which Bismarck builded his 
German Empire is Bismarck's recognition of the peculiarities 
of his German peasant, as well as of his Prussian King. We 
come now to some great central racial facts. 
Bismarck's unending eulogies of military glory, now extolled 



The German People Are One and United 227 

in the high language of a victorious commander-in-chief, 
again as a drill-sergeant sharply criticising the squad, are 
not to be dismissed as the expressions of one in large au- 
thority, speaking from the steps of the throne. 
Bismarck's work would have failed had he not linked it to 
some secret craving of the Teutonic heart, far deeper than 
conquering the jealousies, intrigues and selfishness that com- 
pose the long story of the rise of the German Empire. 
fi Historians may talk as much as they please about Bis- 
marck's executive and administrative genius, but these, great 
as they are, are overshadowed by his power of political spirit- 
healing, as it were; through practice of his peculiar psycho- 
therapy he cured sick Germany of many of her ills; at the 
same time bringing about German brotherhood in a way that 
added to the great glory of Prussia. 

fl Appealing to the solemn religious side of Prussian char- 
acter that expresses itself in upholding authority, in church 
or state, Bismarck incessantly lauds the descendants of noble 
families, and sets up that Prussian military aristocracy alone 
reared up Prussian political legitimacy. 

He presents likewise the idea that the supreme quality of 
German manhood is courage; and to Bismarck's mind the 
sovereign German virtue is revealed in strong-willed eager 
soldiers. 

While in these lofty moods, Bismarck displays enormous 
family pride for his beloved aristocrats of Brandenburg, is 
never weary of telling of their military prowess. 
He avows on many occasions his life-long regret that he did 
not enter the army as a career, instead of taking up the civil 
service; he digs into his family records and proudly numbers 
each Bismarck who carried arms, even down to distant 
cousins, and is never so happy as when telling of Bismarcks 
on many blood-drenched fields. 

Above all else, he everlastingly insists that behind his de- 
mands for his King is the direct will of God. 
fl There is not the slightest doubt that as time passed and Bis- 
marck kept telling over and over for years that the King 
represented God's will on this earth, true Prussians came at 
last to believe it more and more; for the reason that it was 



228 Blood and Iron 

in their blood to believe, as it is the nature of a bull-dog to 
fight, a glutton to eat, a thief to steal, the sun to shine. 

m m m 

If Bismarck called on heaven to send its avenging lightnings 
on the heads of those who deserted their monarch, to their 
perpetual dishonor; could think of no crime more monstrous 
than ingratitude to his King, especially to a king by the 
grace of God. 

And Bismarck declared again and again, as his deepest con- 
viction, that the Prussian crown was encircled by a heavenly 
aureole. In short, Bismarck revived in its purest and most 
uncompromising form the doctrine of Divine-right. 
If In an age seemingly out of touch with this iron-bound mold 
of the Feudal past, Bismarck would have failed miserably 
were it not that he touched a responsive side of Prussian 
character — dog-like loyalty to authority, compounded of mili- 
tary glory and a pale shimmering ghost of religious aspi- 
ration. 

The governing fact of the whole situation was psychological 
rather than physical; and all this stupendous cannonading at 
Gravelotte, Sedan, Koeniggraetz, and the magnificent drama 
in the Hall of Mirrors, were after all merely so many evi- 
dences that Bismarck better than all the tribe of his objectors 
knew the psychological core of Prussian character. 
If Bismarck brought down the wrath of God on those rival 
leaders who dared to be disloyal to his Divine-right King, and 
flew into frenzy at the very thought that a genuine Prussian 
should expect wisdom from the common people. Behind all 
this, was always the solid appeal to Prussian military-cadet 
idea of loyalty and strong politico-religious instincts. 
fl Manipulating this psychological side, invisible yet very real, 
Bismarck shows his genius as a constructive statesman. 
Without this intuitive touch of Prussian consciousness, all the 
lustre that Bismarck ultimately shed on the Imperial crown 
would have been impossible. 

Tj Thus, we behold Otto von Bismarck, the rude, blond, 
Pomeranian giant — in spite of his coarse speeches, his 
brawls, his political card-stacking, his enormous egotism, his 
passionate seeking after power — play with Shakespearian 
subtlety on the strings of human passion. 



The German People Are One and United 229 

There is no larger character-side to our Bismarck; so study 
it well and reflect on its wide meaning. 



fl We are not here to say what Bismarck should or should 
not have done, but we make up our mind about him by what 
he did do. 

flHe had peculiar ideas of religion, pleasure, duty, and cer- 
tainly he had his own idea of what was best for Prussia, 
and finally for Germany. 

•jl He bartered his immortal time for a King's crown and an 
Emperor's glory, guns, swords, forts, marchings up and down 
the land. 

H He bartered his time in angry disputes with his fellow- 
man, for prisons, broken homes, murders, tears for 80,000 
widows and orphans. 

fl He bartered his time for magnificent spectacles such as the 
coronation of William I in the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles, 
a palace outrivaling any creation of man since the days of 
Nebuchadnezzar. 

If He bartered his time for grand balls for aristocrats in silk 
coats and ladies in diamonds and satin gowns. 
fl He bartered his time that a certain space in Europe be 
made over to his own liking. Other kings and emperors with 
equal logic wished to have this space made over in a way 
that seemed as good as the one Bismarck had in mind, but 
Bismarck regarding it as a calamity that other plans should 
come to pass, fought bitterly with sword and cannon to back 
his individual opinion against all who disputed with him. 
II He bartered his time that a certain part of the map be 
marked with one name instead of thirty-nine names, as had 
been the case when he came to power as a young man in 
the politics of Prussia. 

fl And finally he bartered his immortal time in a thirty-years' 
gladiatorial fight that in the end millions of Germans might 
feel the tingle of blood-brotherhood. How he faced the long, 
heart-breaking battle, therein we find the true measure of 
our great Bismarck! Thus his work, as an individual, is 
absorbed in the larger life of the German Empire. These 



230 Blood and Iron 

National services make Bismarck one of the immortals; and 
his name will be remembered affectionately by Germans for 
thousands of years. 

ail 

11 The present review of German origins, through Bismarck- 
ian genius, is concerned largely with the form of government 
established. 

The collective efficiency of the Bismarckian idea, as worked 
out in the German Constitution, promptly ascertains the will 
of the people, and carries out that will. 

If The Kaiser, through the Chancellor, has the selection of 
all important public officials, and as King of Prussia appoints 
Prussian administrative officials; and in turn, the various 
kings choose the various public servants in their respective 
kingdoms. All hold office during good behavior, or for life; 
instantly responsive to the will of the Kaiser, or to the Bun- 
desrath. The state officials are thus "the fingers of the 
Kaiser," working the duties of the Empire, free from the 
petty molestations that assail even the most trustworthy and 
patriotic American office-holders. 

fl In simple terms of parallel, the much-lauded American 
Commission System, for the government of cities, was bor- 
rowed from the Kaiser. 

The Commission System delegates the power to a committee 
of five, who pass and execute the laws. 

This is precisely the principle laid down by the Bundesrath, 
in which body is united executive, legislative and judicial 
functions. It is a fact that the cities most efficiently man- 
aged, in the United States (1915), are under the Commission 
System, that is to say, the German conception of responsible 
politio-civic authority. 

IT German thoroughness, as well as German discipline, unite 
to make the German system a brilliant success; but in Amer- 
ica the German collective idea is politically offensive because 
of our superstition that the way of Liberty lies through in- 
cessant political changes. The American has confidence in 
the wisdom of large numbers, believes that by dividing the 
functions of government the people may be saved from them- 



The German People Are One and United 231 

selves. One-man power is (theoretically) greatly feared, in 
America. Despite the fact that in all great industrial under- 
takings Americans appreciate the part played by personal 
responsibility, they are loath to admit that the principle 
makes for National political efficiency. 

mm® 

T[ One final word: Revolution means change; and in this sense 
the French Revolution is important. In some respects, it is 
still going forward. However, in 1848 the practical side of 
the Revolution was not understood, was therefore decried by 
conservative thinkers who saw in the excesses of the Com- 
mune little that heralded a better day. 
$ In France, thousands of men misinterpreted emotional zeal 
for human brotherhood for fitness to govern. It is the old, 
old story. 

To come at once to the point: You must judge a nation as 
you do a man, not by what that man says, but by what he 
does. Hence, from Bismarck's point of view, it was time to 
be done with the bursting of blood vessels in a frenzy about 
equality, and to come down to the essential facts of human 
nature; or if you like the words better, human ways. 
It is not necessarily a mark of wisdom to issue "manifestoes 
against special privileges" and to set up that "all" the people 
are fit to rule an empire. 

The very reverse is the proof of history; few men indeed 
there are who have the patience, the discretion and the pru- 
dence to rule over other lives. 

Also, the German race asks no upstart rulers; the idea of 
father and child, duty, discipline and personal responsibility 
is deeply grounded in the German conception of an adequate 

State. 

II IS M 

fl There is small profit in using precious time denouncing 
Bismarck's protest against French Constitutionalism. Let 
us, instead, try to understand why the old ways were cher- 
ished. And always bear in mind that the Past holds man- 
kind in a tighter grip than the Radicals are willing to con- 
cede! There is no such thing as wiping off the slate and 



232 Blood and Iron 

starting with a "new" set of ideas. The wisest man in the 
world cannot do that. At best, he recognizes the past, with 
here and there a slight variation. 

Such, in short, was Bismarck's broad and true idea of human 
necessity. And he planned his German Empire accordingly. 

ill 
fl Bismarck was faced by these facts : the idiomatic ways in 
which German people thought and acted; their tastes and 
ideals, not only in politics but in society, law, religion; — nay, 
their very dreams. Throughout, there is always a profound 
sense of personal responsibility to the State. The State is 
not to be forgotten for some spurious personal individuality. 
And mark this: that for generations "events" in Germany all 
gave expression to certain racial habits of thought, against 
which all manner of Communistic uprisings were anathema. 
German sense of discipline, duty and personal responsibility, 
in State affairs, is grounded on a high consciousness that is 
not satisfied with half-measures, bungling, waste, cheap 
politicians, and freakish legislation. The German takes him- 
self too seriously to permit a bunko-politician to come on 
with faking, as a substitute for the National ideal of 
government. 

fl Hence, Bismarck's Imperial democracy, with the Kaiser 
at its head. 

Ill 
fl As between the inevitable contest between the Crowd and 
the Crown, springing from the inflammatory ideas of French 
Constitutionalism, Bismarck did not shrink; but fought it 
out in his own way. Our Man of Blood and Iron desired the 
blessings of liberty for Germany with all the strength of 
his powerful being; but he could not stultify his common 
sense by meekly conceding no essential distinction between 
men, in their capacity for leadership. He was, then, intent 
on bringing out of the German political chaos a type of 
democracy that may be termed Imperial as well as repre- 
sentative, in which the people are accorded their share, as 
he saw it, but always under the guidance of a strong central 
authority. 



The German People Are One and United 233 

II And after all said in glorification of any special type of 
government, the stubborn fact remains that absolute equality, 
from a representative point of view, is a fiction unsupported 
by fact. The notorious incapacity and apathy of the masses 
is always, in the end, directed by central powers, exercised 
insidiously or openly as you please, but exercised neverthe- 
less. In every political party we find a coterie, men of little 
wisdom it may be but leaders of the crowd; in every city 
commission is always one masterful man to whom the other 
members defer; in every banking house, one deciding voice; 
every religious organization must have a head, regardless of 
the number of counsellors; every ship a captain; every army 
a general; and, finally, in every family there should be the 
guidance and direction of a strong father. 
fl Is there not a ring of sincerity in Bismarck's manly 
acknowledgment of the inevitable equalities in the human 
stuff of which governments are composed? He saw only 
common sense in openly protesting that in any German gov- 
ernment big enough and enduring enough to satisfy the 
German conception of responsibility, in a word German 
thoroughness, there must be, somewhere, a master-mind. 
U For many years, and even today, Bismarck is in some 
quarters regarded as the arch-enemy of the common people, 
but his great work has stood the acid test of time. The 
German Empire, builded under Bismarck's broad ideas may 
be likened unto a wonderful watch, in which each part does 
its peculiar work without even a gambler's chance of going 
wrong. 



BOOK THE SIXTH 
Once a Man and Twice a Child 

CHAPTER XVII 

®te Snmnfail 

63 

The secret discontent of the man who believed him- 
self sole founder of the German Empire. 

fl When the Kaiser, on that eventful day. in March, 1890, 
turned and told the old man to go, Bismarck received the 
heart-breaking sentence without a sign of protest. 
TJTo a friend who called he told the news in a calm voice, 
a smile on his lips, congratulating himself on being able to 
resume his country life, of which he was so fond, of visiting 
again the forests on his estates, and "belonging to himself" 
in the few years that were yet left. 

If "I'll soon be gone," he said, "and it is time I should take 
a rest." 

If The story is long and complex, but we will give you the 
large details, only. The day comes when Bismarck's old 
friend, Emperor William I, passes from this earthly scene; 
his son, Frederick III, reigns three months and is carried 
off by cancer of the throat. The doom of Bismarck is now 
sealed! Emperor William I was the firm foundation of Bis- 
marck's strength, but the son did not like the Iron Chancellor, 
and within the three brief months of power before death 
called, Frederick III let it be known that Bismarck was 
marked for retirement. Frederick's one act leveled against 
the Bismarck family-dynasty was to dismiss von Puttkam- 
mer, Minister of the Interior. 

Tf Now enters William II, aged 29, a mighty man in the mak- 
ing, a sleepless man, one who in his time was to become the 
standard by which henceforth all German institutions are to 

235 



236 Blood and Iron 

be measured. His first address to the army; his second, to 
the navy; his third, three days later, to the citizens. 
1f Did he not ask old von Moltke to resign ? Yes, and others. 
It was not, as many historians set up, that Emperor William 
II was jealous of Bismarck, nor was it a case of "crabbed 
age and youth cannot live together." 

ft The Emperor, with firm feeling in his will to Imperial 
power, wishes to develop Germany along lines of world-wide 
importance. Bismarck was of the past; William of the fu- 
ture. The blow fell March 28th, 1890. 

flThe world gave a gasp of astonishment; it seemed impos- 
sible that Bismarck, the master-mind of United Germany, 
should be unceremoniously shuffled out of sight. 
Political writers the world around become involved in spir- 
ited controversies, on the whole supporting the old man and 
denouncing what seemed like ingratitude on the part of the 
new Emperor. It was pointed out that Bismarck himself, 
speaking to the Czar, had only a short time before declared, 
"I hope to die in office, always a good friend of Russia." 
Also that William II had on New Year's telegraphed to Bis- 
marck, "That I may long be permitted to work with you, 
for the welfare and greatness of the Fatherland!" 



If If Bismarck was not made by a King's breath, at least a 
breath destroyed Bismarck's control of the situation. 
Bismarck had long ruled the lives of millions; but when 
Wm. II snapped his fingers and said "Finis!" the old Chan- 
cellor had to go. The loss of Bismarck's influence was as 
complete as though instead of being the foremost man of 
his time in the diplomatic world, he was instead only a clerk 
discharged by his superior. 



U In listing the elements on which Bismarck builded there is 
always one often overlooked, yet at the very foundation, the 
bottom stone in the wall. That one was the favorable atti- 
tude of King William I. Without the King's consent, Bis- 
marck's career would have been impossible! Herein, we find 



Once a Man and Twice a Child 237 

a classic illustration of how interdependent are men's lives; 
what small causes sustain or defeat great careers. 

B B H 
fl But first we wish to tell you something of his honors dur- 
ing the past few years, also of the munificent patronage of 
the Kaiser, going far to refute the libel that the Kaiser was 
ungrateful. The patient Kaiser in truth dealt nobly with 
the moody old man. 

On the old man's 70th birthday (1885), the people of Ger- 
many offered a gift of $1,350,000, one-half of which Bismarck 
used to repurchase the ancestral estate, Schoenhausen, which 
he had sold in his impecunious years; and now, thanks to the 
gratitude of the German nation, the old place, mightily en- 
larged and improved, passed again into Bismarck's hands. 
The other half of the $1,350,000 Bismarck set aside as an 
endowment fund for school teachers. 

flEven Victor Hugo added his hero-worship, in this curious 
letter: "The giant salutes the giant! The enemy salutes the 
enemy! The friend sends the greeting of a friend! 
If "I hate you, cruelly, for you have humiliated France; I 
love you because I am greater than you. 

If "You kept silence when my eighty years sounded from the 
belfry of my glory; but I speak now because the stolen clock 
which stands upon your desk, refuses to announce to you 
that your 70th birthday has come. 

If "If you and I were united in one person, the history of the 
world would have been ended. . . . But you are great be- 
cause you know not what fear is. Therefore, I, the poet, 
offer my hand to you, the great man." 

If The Prince, thunderstruck, wrote in reply two words, "Otto 
—Adieu!" 

1! H D 

If Nor was this all. The Pope bestowed upon Bismarck the 
Order of Christ, for ameliorating the last of certain hard 
conditions against the Church, dating from the culture-strug- 
gle of years gone by. 

If In 1871, Emperor William I had invested Bismarck with 
the hereditary dignity of Prince, and William II conferred 



238 Blood and Iron 

on Bismarck, at the time of dismissal (1890), the title Duke 
of Lauenburg, together with a larger share of the Duchy of 
Lauenburg, an estate on which the Emperor expended $1,000,- 
000. 

fl The old man's income was now said to be in excess of $100,- 
000 a year; in addition he received unnumbered gifts of a 
princely nature, as well as priceless tokens of sentimental 
esteem, from patriotic Germans the world around. 
ff It was a relief to Bismarck, in his old age, to know that 
his family would be rich and famous. He had been deeply 
engrossed in politics for years, and all his ambitions had been 
exhausted on his beloved Germany; he not only had no time 
to make money, but was heavily in debt; his interest account, 
for loans, was said to have been, for many years, $30,000 per 
annum. 

How he managed to keep his head above water (with all the 
distractions of statesmanship, to say nothing of the burdens 
of three great wars, and the embarrassments of his private 
finances) shows the man's iron constitution as well as his 
sagacity in practical affairs. 

flln all, Bismarck received forty-eight orders of distinction, 
at the hands of monarchs; also a long list of university de- 
grees, medals and golden keys bestowing the freedom of 
German cities. 



U The immediate cause of Bismarck's dismissal had to do 
with an old "Order in Council," 1852, to the effect that the 
Prime Minister, as head of the Prussian Cabinet, had auto- 
cratic powers. 

This order the Kaiser now abruptly countermanded. The de- 
cision was made following an interview between Bismarck 
and Dr. Windhorst, at Bismarck's house. 

William II did not much like this political jockeying on the 
part of Bismarck; Windhorst was an enemy of the estab- 
lished order; therefore, that the Prussian Chancellor should 
hold a secret caucus with a politician objectionable to the 
Emperor created a crisis. 
The Kaiser, who lived in a wire-hung whispering gallery, 



Once a Man and Twice a Child 239 

knew at once that Bismarck and Windhorst had been in con- 
ference; and early on the day following, William abruptly 
appeared at Bismarck's and asked to see the Chancellor. 
Bismarck came down in morning gown and slippers, for he 
had been summoned from his bed! 

fl "What is the meaning of this Windhorst interview?" in- 
quired the Kaiser sharply. 

Bismarck replied with spirit. The breach widened. Bismarck 
took the ground that it was none of the Kaiser's business 
who called at the Bismarck house. 

fl The Kaiser then insisted that in the future he should be 
notified in advance of prospective political interviews, that, if 
he so desired, he might send a personal representative, to 
report the drift of the talk. 

This made Bismarck furious; the old man rebelled, flatly! 
1[ It was a sharp, short, painful scene; by no means a cere- 
monious discussion of constitutional prerogatives, or the am- 
icable rearrangement of methods of transacting state busi- 
ness. Instead, it was the parting of the ways, the breaking 
of old ties; — and after all these long years! 
U "Then I understand, Your Majesty, that I am in your way ? " 

ff"Yes!" 

ff "Enough!" 

fl "Haste!" rejoined the Kaiser; and thus, in few words, the 

celebrated interview came to an end. 

If In parting with the Chancellor, the Kaiser made Bismarck 

Prince of Lauenberg and gave him a very valuable country 

estate, and added also the rank of Field Marshal. The princes 

of Germany joined in good wishes for the old man's peace 

and happiness, for his declining days. 

f[ Peace and happiness — what a satire ! 



64 
And Bismarck was intensely human! "Who made 
United Germany?" is his question. 

U The women of his household did not take the news quietly. 
fl The imperial messenger arrived with the Kaiser's portrait, 



240 Blood and Iron 

as a farewell souvenir to Prince Bismarck. His wife ex- 
claimed: "Take it to Friedrichsruh and let it be placed in 
the stable!" 



If At the depot, a great crowd came to see the old man depart 
for the country, but the Kaiser was not there. 
Bismarck's hoary age, his great dignity, his known services 
to Germany, were now dear to the heart of Germans; thou- 
sands gathered, in spontaneous farewell, crowding around the 
old man and kissing his hand. 
If Now let us face the facts. 

To a man of Bismarck's iron mold, the exercise of power 
is the breath of life; this made it a tragedy for the aged 
Bismarck to withdraw. 

It was but natural for him, as time passed and his ambition 
grew, that he should believe himself the sole founder of the 
German Empire. His constant utterances after his downfall 
bear out this idea. The composite victory of scores of minds 
merged in his imagination and now crystallized in his own 
soul victory. Such is human nature, and so we say "Welling- 
ton won the Battle of Waterloo," but is this strictly true? 
True or false, such is human habit of thought, and Bismarck 
was also now shown to be human enough to claim it all for 
himself. 

M 13 

^The story of Wolsey over again; our old counsellor of state 
thrown off in his declining years; and we can almost hear 
Bismarck in his great bitterness repeat the tragic words: 

Had I but serv'd my God with half the zeal 
I serv'd my King, he would not in my age 
Have left me naked to mine enemies! 

If Bismarck's further official presence was irksome to the new 
master. With the iron decision characteristic of Hohenzol- 
lern, William II ended the situation, with a stroke of his 
imperial will. In this attitude William not only acted wisely, 
but showed himself every inch a Kaiser. 



Once a Man and Twice a Child 241 

H Besides, Bismarck was plotting in a very human way to 
support and advance the rising fortunes of the Bismarck 
family. Would you not have done as much, or even more ? 
In his princely office, Bismarck thought to found a diplomatic 
dynasty of his own, wherein the servant becomes the master; 
he made his son, young Count Herbert, Minister of Foreign 
Affairs, a rise in life prodigiously fast for one who used to 
fill the function of holding his father's dispatch bag in the 
Parliament, when the old man made speeches, supported by 
incessant drinking of brandy. 

Bismarck, himself, was Chancellor, Minister-President, For- 
eign Minister; his cousin, Minister of the Interior; and there 
were many other Bismarcks in state service, trained to know 
the old man's policy. Constructive governmental work was 
all in Bismarck's power; — and he meant to keep it there, 
fl These many acts of family favoritism, arousing the indig- 
nation of the new Emperor, played an important part in 
determining the old man's dismissal. The King was offended 
by Bismarck's many acts of nepotism, "the greatest," he se- 
cretly declared, "which politics have ever recorded." 

Ill 
U A high official said to Bismarck after Koeniggraetz : "You 
should be well satisfied; — it made you a Prince!" 
U "It made me a Prince," mused Bismarck, with a sudden 
and unaccountable show of irony. Then, pointing to the map 
of United Germany, he replied with deep-rooted conviction 
that revealed how the fires of ambition were consuming his 
very soul: "A Prince, did you say? Yes, there is my princi- 
pality!" 

flFrom that hour, the suspicious and irrascible side of Bis- 
marck's mind continued to expand. Some of us quarrel with 
our family, our partners, or our political party, asking who 
was responsible for the disaster, but the most deadly dis- 
putes are those called forth by ambition to decide not who 
was responsible for the loss, but who made the success. 
U Small cause; great effect, 
fl And Bismarck was intensely human! 



242 Blood and Iron 

65 

The elements of his greatness number three — Here 
read two, but the third and greatest is yet to come. 

TJNow you ought to begin to understand the man in his 
naked reality; his elements of greatness compounded with 
crying frailties — but his very faults endear him to us the 
more, because they show him brother to the weak, 
fi Threefold a great man, great in ambition and courage; 
greater in compelling victory through years of patient and 
moody planning; but greatest of all in his downfall, when 
turning his back upon the blaze of glory, he retires to the 
country to view the mighty forests, and to take long walks 
with his dogs over the fields, communing with himself, the 
winds of heaven, and the immortal stars. 
flHis time is now very short; the sands have all but run out 
of the glass. For the first time in many, many years, he 
now belongs to himself once more — on the very edge of the 
tomb — before the sun is to go out forever — and the long 
night settles down. 

KDoes he still believe in his old ikon? In the secret cham- 
ber of his heart does he still believe that God was behind 
it all, on the side of the needle-guns of Sadowa? 
1}The justifications of earth oft-times betray themselves in 
strange superstitions, and there always was a large strain 
of superstition compounded in the great mind of this great 
man; not unlike the superstitions of a brother conqueror, Ju- 
lius Caesar, who was wont to crawl on his belly to the Tem- 
ple, there to return thanks to the immortal gods for success 
in battle. 

U To his dying day, Otto von Bismarck held fast that he was 
the instrument of God, and that God did it all, through him. 
Flesh and blood needs some explanation for its ways — and 
it may be that one interpretation is on the whole as good as 
another. With Bismarck the ikon was God. 

m m m 

U On his part, as a human being, for many years Bismarck 
nursed his seemingly impossible dream of expelling Austria 



Once a Man and Twice a Child 243 

from the German states and binding up thirty-nine princi- 
palities in one grand Empire. This ambition he pursued 
incessantly, and ultimately succeeded in reaching by his 
genius in manipulating the human nature side of the men 
around him. He worked for himself, for his King and for 
his ideal of a United Germany. He gave to the seemingly 
hopeless cause all his time, strength, nay, his very soul, 
fl His was also now the secret discontent of a man who 
thought himself the sole founder of the German Empire. It 
was so understood by Kaiser William. For the time being, 
then, the patient Kaiser, averse to wounding the pride of a 
true German servant of the Empire, permitted the overleap- 
ing ambition of his great Minister of State to have sway; 
but William knew that, soon or late, the break must come; 
and in his own mind had already decided on the man who 
was to take Bismarck's place. 

U Little by little threats came; men in high office secretly 
inveighed against Bismarck's new ambitions; it did not escape 
the attention of the Emperor's intriguers, who now worked 
against the old man's family aspirations; then came more 
resolute attitudes on Bismarck's part, egged on by his wife 
and by his son, who each had grown prodigiously ambitious. 

Ill 
H Enter General Caprivi ! 

is m m 

tf Before the will of the Kaiser, Bismarck must bow; and now 
behold how the mighty has fallen! We must henceforth seek 
him not in the splendid halls of state, but among simple rural 
scenes in Schoenhausen, where he was born, where he lived 
as a child; and to these quiet shades under the oaks and 
elms he now returns at the last remove of life; a broken, 
world-weary man, full of honors it is true, but by the irony 
of fate come back to die stripped of worldly grandeur, and 
to ponder the vanity of all earthly ambitions. 



244 Blood and Iron 

66 
Bismarck inveighs against the ingratitude of kings 
— A fighter to the end. 

^| Did he take kindly to his enforced retirement? Far from 
it. With all the querulous impatience of an octogenarian, 
full of whims, sick in soul and body, suspicious, irritable, dy- 
ing inch by inch, a prey to insomnia, his neuralgic pains, his 
swollen veins, in short, a crabbed old man, awaiting the call 
— behold now our great Otto von Bismarck, and mark well 
to what narrow limits his power has shrunk. 
If On one ocasion he moodily replied to a question : "Who are 
the Hohenzollerns ? My family is as good as theirs!" And 
the old man meant it, every word of it. 

U He began bombarding the newspapers with bitter reviews, 
criticising the Government, the affairs of the day. The Afri- 
can treaty he dissected, to Caprivi's disadvantage. "I never 
would have signed it!" wrote Bismarck, and the press took up 
the cry. Any utterance from the old political sage was wel- 
comed, the more caustic the criticism the better it read, all 
to the disadvantage of the Emperor and the new advisers. 
If Many newspaper reporters called at Bismarck's country 
retreat; the old man would tell them strong truths againit 
the Government. Here and there, a newspaper came out as 
Bismarck's official spokesman! 

If It did seem as though nothing Caprivi did ever pleased the 
old man. 

The curious fact was this: that Bismarck in his own time 
had always held as an inviolable principle, "No criticism of 
the Government in foreign affairs," but now he claimed a 
privilege he had never granted to another. 
If One of his many startling confessions of state secrets was 
that the Franco-Prussian war never would have taken place 
but for the garbled Ems dispatch. Instead of being a "holy 
war," to support the very life of the Fatherland, it was now 
made clear that the old Divine-right idea had been but the 
stage-play of a political minister, for his imperial sovereign's 
march to glory. 
If The last illusion was now dispelled. 



Once a Man and Twice a Child 245 

Caprivi was obliged to issue a circular-letter to Germany's 
diplomatic corps, everywhere, "Do not mind Bismarck's utter- 
ances; take no stock in them!" 

1f Even when Bismarck's old friend, von Moltke, died, the Man 
of Iron refused to go to the funeral; he did not care to take 
a chance of meeting the Emperor, there! 

11 Querulous, iron-willed — such he is to remain. No giving up, 
no softening, no forgiveness; but blood and iron to the end. 
We must present him thus, our sad-hearted, irritable old mas- 
ter, proclaiming against the vanity of earthly glories, and 
like Wolsey wondering on the frailties and ingratitude of 
kings, whose memories are indeed no longer than the going 
down of the sun. 
1f Thus for two long weary years the bitter fight went on. 

mm® 

If The old man now went on a trip to Vienna, to see his son 
Herbert married, but ahead of him the Government had 
telegraphed, "No official welcome for Bismarck!" 
The German ambassador, under instructions from Berlin, did 
not dare attend the wedding, refused to notice Bismarck's 
presence in Vienna, officially. 

If This was the last straw; it worked revulsion of popular 
feeling; the common people of Germany, the self-same people 
that Bismarck had so long doubted, now took up arms for 
fair play for the old man; and Caprivi, made the scapegoat, 
was forced to resign. He was succeeded by Hohenlohe, Bis- 
marck's friend, and leader in the Bavarian National party. 
If On Bismarck's eightieth birthday, the Emperor came in 
person, and with military honors presented the old man with 
a magnificent sword; but on Bismarck's part the reconcilia- 
tion was not sincere, you may well imagine that. 



246 Blood and Iron 

67 
Wherein, at last, abandoned by his King, the plain 
people, whom the great Bismarck so long politically 
ignored, now do indeed bind up the old man's 
wounds. 

]f Bismarck's mighty nature never softened, but remained 
bitter to the day of his death, with fire and sword pursuing 
his enemies; broken by Fate, his power gone, Bismarck still 
continued consistent to the last; true to his iron nature, he 
returned the hatred of enemies with his own arrogant con- 
tempt. 

If As the years of his downfall passed and men came to com- 
prehend somewhat his extraordinary combination of over- 
shadowing political genius in administrative and executive 
life, side by side with his strange superstitions and his many 
weaknesses of a grand order, this awe-inspiring man became 
beloved for his frailties by the very common people whom 
all his life long he had held under suspicion. The people ral- 
lied to his defense when kings quitted his side; they took 
up his cause because the old man had been outraged in his 
sensibilities, rather than because he was right; they sent 
him thousands of sympathetic letters, telegrams, presents; 
thousands of students, business men, women and children, 
visited him in his retirement; and by that touch of human 
nature that proves the world kin, took the embittered old man 
to their hearts in the name of the United Germany that he 
had created with toil so infinite and battlings so long and 
blood-stained; — and they disarmed Bismarck by honoring the 
name of their old enemy. 

If It is a wonderful story of human nature, this story of how 
the German people rallied to Bismarck's side; a story that 
reaffirms how slender after all is the space between the 
pomp of kings and the obscure destiny of the shepherd on 
the hills. 

The proud figure of the grand old man who was not too high 
to fall from power stands side by side with Marius at the 
ruins of Carthage. 
If Finally, as between the kings whom Bismarck served so 



Once a Man and Twice a Child 247 

faithfully and who abandoned him at last, and the people 
whom he despised but who rallied to his side and bound up 
his wounds, this courageous giant, who during the long years 
in which he fronted the seemingly forlorn struggle for United 
Germany, had been so conscientious in the discharge of his 
unpleasant duties, came at last to his peculiar eminence as 
one of the world's greatest characters. 

fl When he came to die, full of years and honors, although 
he had no National funeral like the magnificent outpouring 
that marked the return of Napoleon's body to the banks of 
the Eiver Seine, yet in the hearts of the German people Otto 
von Bismarck was accorded the grandest funeral of modern 
times, if not of all time. 

That was many years ago; but his unapproachable memory 
still lives, as Father of United Germany — and his fame goes 
marching on. 

Ill 

68 
The old man's strange fancies as he passes the time 
awaiting his final call. 

fl Behold our old master in retirement, as obscure as a simple 
country squire; and he reads again — what do you think? 
The Book of Job, Bismarck's last reading, reminds him of the 
evanescence of all earthly glory, which passes away like the 
grass that is cut down by the mower. 

U Brave old fighter, with your show of dauntless spirit, down 
to the very end, we know that you are grown weary of it all, 
and in truth, in silent moments of self-communion, you do 
not care when the end may come, nor may it come too soon 
for you. 

*[ He is worried all the time, now; worried about his son's 
health; worried about the death of his brother; broken over 
the death of his wife; distressed by the death of favorite 
dogs and horses. Also, he recalls a gypsy saying having to 
do with the end of the Bismarck family, under strange con- 
ditions, in these mystical words: 

Dem Grafen von Bismarck soil es verleiber 

So Lang sie vom Horste die ReiEer nicht trieben — 



248 Blood and Iron 

Or, "The Counts Bismarck shall reign at Varzin as long as 
the herons are not driven from their ancient haunts"; in 
rude rhyme: 

"The Bismarcks shall hold their domain till the day 
When they from their haunts drive the herons away." 

fl You see, the old man's mind was wandering, and now and 

then he saw the future, as in a strange dream. 

U He watched the crows and jackdaws gather over the fields 

and at the rookeries, and he said one day, "They have their 

joys and sorrows like human beings." 

II He recited Shakespeare, thinking of the olden times when 

he went roaring up and down the land! "Let me play the 

lion, too! I will roar that it will do any man's heart good 

to hear me. I will that I can make the Duke say, 'Let him 

roar again, let him roar again!' " 

111 
11 Trifles annoyed the aged Bismarck, as might be expected; 
such things as changing the clocks to introduce "standard 
time," as it is called. "I do not like this 'standard time'; 
here I get up half an hour too early and go to bed half an 
hour too soon," was the octogenarian's crabbed comment. 
\\ Day by day, crowds came to see him — children, students, 
laborers, artists, musicians, politicians, writers — all visited 
the sage in his retirement. 

Levi, the Wagnerian Kappelmeister, journeyed from Munich 
to Friedrichsruh to beg the honor of owning, as a souvenir, 
one of Bismarck's old hats. 

U Lenbach, the renowned artist, came to paint Bismarck's 
picture; and noted the curious fact that although Mecklen- 
bergers have the largest German skulls, "Bismarck's is 
larger still." 

*[J Bad nights, neuralgia, insomnia became his companions; 
but still ambition, the one supreme infirmity of his majestic 
mind, gives him no peace. 

What would future generations say of Bismarck's work? 
And of the immediate present, has Caprivi helped it any? 
Was the repeal of my Iron Laws against Socialism wise? 



Once a Man and Twice a Child 249 

Why did not Caprivi follow my plan of making the Govern- 
ment the arbiter of German conscience? Why did not 
Caprivi carry the Army Bill ? I fought for four years, once, 
to get army money for King William — and won over all 
obstacles ! 

U Schaffer came to make the Bismarck bust; it shows the 
Chancellor with high-cut nostrils, heavy jaws, scowling 
brows. 

The old man likes it, because it presents him as a soldier; 
he is proud that he is a Field Marshal, prouder still of the 
Bismarcks in the old wars, proud also that he is a Prussian 
General of Cavalry. 

ft Then he scolds again about Caprivi's treaty with Austria, 
says it will cost fifty million marks a year and nothing 
gained. 

U Often in deep fits of melancholy, Bismarck thinks that Ger- 
many is ungrateful. For one thing, the Government ought 
to recognize my son Herbert; why, England saw in Pitt the 
son of his father, a chip of the old block; and why not one 
Bismarck after another, eh? 

SHU 
fl Maybe Dr. Schweninger could do me some good, what do 
you think? This doctor is from South Germany — and a 
very determined fellow with a jet black, piratical beard; he 
gives orders like a military man, is a believer in diet, and 
all that sort of thing. 

Twenty years before, when Bismarck's weight was 247, this 
South German Dr. Schweninger put Bismarck through a 
course of "banting," and the Chancellor rewarded the doctor 
with a chair in Berlin, against the united protests of the 
faculty! Why, yes, bring up Dr. Schweninger; he can make 
me well, I am sure. 

fi"I can make you live to be ninety, Prince!" 
fl"Then get to work; spare no time; I am in bad shape!" 

Ill 
U Letters, telegrams, felicitations in the form of magnifi- 
cently embossed diplomas, continue to come, day after day; 
Bismarck is given the freedom of cities; he is enrolled among 
engineers, carpenters, brewers, ship-masters, tailors; each 



250 Blood and Iron 

guild demands that the Iron Chancellor's name head the list 
of honorary officers of the Grand Lodge. 
In one year the record shows 650,000 letters and 10,000 tele- 
grams; and among these are begging letters asking a total 
of $2,500,000! 

If Bismarck often grows tired of seeing visitors; he has 
built himself a secret spiral staircase, hidden in an unex- 
pected place; and uses it against unwelcome callers. 
Now and then, when his health permits, he is at his editorial 
work again, laboriously issuing his proclamations to the Ger- 
man people; he writes with a quill pen, and for a blotter pre- 
fers the old-time box of blue sand. 

For scribbling hasty notes, he prefers huge lead pencils, such 
as he favored in parliamentary days; pencils 15 inches long, 
similar to those used by German carpenters. 
He sits at an immense oak table, and his chair seems un- 
comfortable; it has no back. 

At his side is his porcelain tobacco jar, two feet tall, and 
on the stand are innumerable pipes, which in turn are filled 
and smoked, all day long. He holds a sort of tobacco parlia- 
ment every day. Visitors must smoke a pipe or cigars, drink 
wine, meet the dogs, and hear the old man inveigh against 
these degenerate times. 

11 Those big Umar dogs are always around him. At meal 
times, no matter how fashionable the company, Bismarck 
pauses at the end of the dinner to throw "Sultana" or "Cy- 
rus" a biscuit! 

Sometimes he wears his Cuirassier's uniform, this broad- 
shouldered giant with the thick neck and the grizzled mus- 
tache; his eyes glower under his thick white brows, and in 
the depths of his faded blue eyes is the old look of deter- 
mination. 

The old man's face is ashen grey, but he still has the stamp 
of immense dignity, a colossal personality, unquestionably 
representing the first public man of his time. 
Folks bow to him, and he is master to the end; men are his 
servants, not his companions. 

fl He is always very deliberate; he has a peculiar way of 
stopping in the middle of a sentence to seek out in a mo- 
ment of silence the exact word he needs. 



Once a Man and Twice a Child 251 

U In the morning, he usually takes a stroll with his big dogs. 

It was a shock when "Old William" died, and the Emperor 

then gave Bismarck "Cyrus"; the Prince also had "Rebecca" 

and '"Sultana." 

The Ulmar dogs, following the old giant, resemble tigers in 

their powerful slouching gait. 

At night they sleep in his bedroom. 



69 

Bismarck refuses to pass under the yoke — the octo- 
genarian's last struggle of ambition. 

If He has his superstitions to the end; about the number 13, 
about the number 7; and he believes that the moon has power 
to make human hair grow. "It is best," he says, "not to make 
scoff of such matters." 

1J Sometimes he goes over his orders of honor, forty-eight in 
all, and of great distinction; also, his learned degrees. Uni- 
versity of Halle made him Doctor of Philosophy; Edelangen, 
Doctor of Law; Tuebingen, Doctor of Political Science; Gies- 
sen, Doctor of Theology, and Jena, Six-fold Doctor, that is 
to say Doctor of Medicine; and Goettingen, Doctor of Law. 

H M H 

11 They bring him a joint of wild boar, shot in Varzin forest, 
and he has a feast. His fondness for game he never gives up. 
Also, to the last he has his champagne. After the Franco- 
Prussian war Bismarck refused to drink German champagne, 
and told the Emperor, quite plainly, "Your Majesty, my pa- 
triotism stops with my stomach; I simply must stick to 
French champagnes." 

If He tells how he used to drink Affenthaler and Merkgraefier, 
years before at Frankfort; these were first-rate, at one florin 
a bottle, or wholesale, the old man explains; by the 100 liters, 
only 14 kreutzers (8 cents) a bottle. 

lf"Eed wine is for children, champagne for ladies, and 
schnapps for generals," is one of his drinking mottoes, but he 
tells that he himself prefers his old-line invention, the Bis- 
marck champagne and porter, a most powerful decoction, 



252 Blood and Iron 

putting ordinary mortals under the table very early in the 

evening — but not the Iron Chancellor, not at all! 

U He recalls amusing stories of his ancestors. "One ancestor 

put pigs' ears in pea soup and made a gastronomic hit." 

U Bismarck's eyes water one day and he explains, "The wine 

my ancestors drank to excess comes back in punishment for 

their sins." m m m 

fi What do you think ? Bismarck's old enemy, Herr von 
Sybel, the eminent author of the ponderous "History of Prus- 
sia," called today, and Bismarck was glad to see Sybel, and 
they chatted a long time. As he and Sybel talked of history, 
Bismarck had moments when he held himself the one authen- 
tic builder of the German Empire. 

U Gradually, he came to think that he alone of his own un- 
aided might did the work. 

71 Last scene of all in this great drama of Bismarck! The 
octogenarian, in his downfall, is bitterly storming against 
his enemies. 

Consistent to the end, he never weakened. He did not pass 
under the yoke of defeat by revealing any of those soft vir- 
tues that writers who make a wax doll of this mighty man 
would have us believe. 

He raged and stormed impotently in his retirement at Fried- 
richsruh, and by every loud and insulting means in his power 
— by voice, pen, by special interviews, in his private letters, 
in his telegraphic dispatches, in his talks with the old 
friends or new callers, and to the last scratch of his Memoirs 
— Bismarck remains unrepentant, turbulent, to the end fight- 
ing bitterly against the Fate to which he could not and would 
not submit. 

Temperamentally and psychologically, it was impossible for 
him to act in any way other than that in which he did act — 
even as you, in your own life, are true to yourself in storm 
and sunshine, following some unformulated but idiomatic 
law of your being. 

Bismarck believed himself a chosen instrument in the hands 
of God and tenaciously clung to the dominant idea that the 
Bismarck work comprised all the raw materials of German 
history, affecting the German Empire. 



Once a Man and Twice a Child 253 

70 

His face is ashen, his grizzled mustache, eyebrows 
and hair white as the driven snow. 

If On the whole, the old man is interested in events not in 
persons; he does not keep track of individuals; but he studies 
their work and its effects. 

So, in his retirement he talks of big events, mostly; all the 
while suiters from fits of depression and exhibits a growing 
moroseness, a peculiar characteristic of highly developed 
German character. 

He calls for Kant, Hegel, Christ; and reads them, deeply. 
He likes Hegel's idea that the history of the world shows 
"rational order," conceals a "manifest destiny." 
1} But the old man's one consolation is the Book of Job. 
He lays aw 7 ake o' nights, unable to sleep, he says, "and it 
seems as though there were a mountain on my chest." 
fl He does not think much of Gladstone's "Home Rule" ideas; 
this "let the people" rule is bad business, is the old man's 
comment. 

fl He is invited out a great deal, but always makes the same 
excuse, "I do not sleep well anywhere except in my own four- 
post bed. My traveling days are over, thank you." 
ff One day in the park, the ladies kissed his hand, but he re- 
plied by kissing their cheeks, and he made a little speech as 
though he were in parliament. 

U He studies the thick walls of Schoenhausen mansion and 
examines the old French cannon of '71 scattered around the 
yard, as souvenirs. 

TTHe superintends the planting of trees; and rules over his 
estate with all the old family dignity and unshaken firmness 
of soul. He asks his secretary to count the telegrams that 
came this past year and in round numbers there are 10,000. 
The old man takes a notion to send each inquirer after his 
health a Bismarck autograph. So each day, from April to 
August, he spends part of his time writing over and over 
in great scrawling letters, at the bottom of a printed card 
of thanks, the huge signature, "Bismarck." 



254 Blood and Iron 

IT Little things are beginning to bother the old man. He 
comes in today from a short walk and says he hates crows, 
because they are the enemy of the singing birds, 
fi Neuralgia is tormenting him, day and night, and he is very 
irritable. 

School children come with teachers and after the children 
sing the old man bows and says, "Children, I thank you." 
IT And this Dr. Schweninger, who promised Bismarck ninety 
years of life, is always hovering about, like a military doctor, 
giving express orders to eat this, to get up at such an hour, 
to go to bed at such an hour, and to take a nap at such an 
hour. 

The old man obeys like a child. 

fj Strangers wait at the village bridge to see Bismarck and 
his dogs pass by; week after week delegations of working- 
men, lawyers, students, come to the house. 
Schweninger orders him to take longer naps, not worry about 
politics and not to meet strangers. The old saying, "Once a 
man and twice a child" is coming to pass; Otto von Bismarck 
is no longer the stubborn, dogmatic fellow that he was, even 
a few years ago. But he still scolds, fights and has his way 
with all — except the doctor. 

11 M M 

^[Tomorrow, April 1, 1898, Bismarck will be 83; however, he 
does not seem to be failing much; but his face is ashen, his 
grizzled mustache, eyebrows and hair are as white as the 
driven snow. 

fi Gardeners write to him that they have named their choicest 
new variety of rose, the Bismarck; and cigarmakers have the 
Bismarck shape, cutlers the Bismarck dinner knife, a thick, 
sharp blade that will carve a duck's neck in a twinkling. 
fl However, the old man is growing weary of it all; and he 
hears with no great show of interest that the people are 
planning monuments everywhere. There is going to be an 
equestrian, helmeted statue in the market place at Leipzig; 
at Weringrode, a heroic-sized Bismarck will lean upon a 
sword; there will be a column in Hartzburg, Victory with a 
lyre and another Victory with a wreath; there is to be a 
statue at Kissingen; a helmeted-heroic figure at Freiberg; a 



Once a Man and Twice a Child 255 

column at Charlotte-springs; a column at Meiszen; at 
Cologne, a heroic figure with a sword; a heroic "Tyras and 
Bismarck/' dog and man, at Leipzig; allegorical figures, 
"Glory and War," for Berlin; at Wiesbaden, a statue sym- 
bolizing the Bismarck National victory; a bust at Heidel- 
berg; at Kreuznach; a heroic figure with helmet and sword, 
with "Glory" at his feet; at Zwickau, an allegorical memorial 
of noble proportions; a tower in the Black Forest; and still 
another at Altona. 

fiNo; it is no use! As we said before, the old man is grow- 
ing very weary of it all; and now along comes Arthur Men- 
dell, who paints for posterity that remarkable Bismarck in 
which you see only the blazing eyes and the shining silver 
helmet — the Bismarck of the brave days of 'G6 and '70, 
when the German hosts carrying their deadly needle-guns, 
marched over the Rhine — at Bismarck's word! 
% Dear Old Bismarck, these wreaths of immortelles come to 
you in your retirement, but you have reached the time when 
the grasshopper has become a burden, and when you have but 
one wish left in this world — and that wish is to go in peace 
to your long sleep. 

If Coming, Bismarck — coming very soon now, Old Soldier; 
and we know well how courageously you will answer up, 
when the invisible Skeleton in Armor calls your imperial 
name! 



CHAPTER XVIII 

l|aU an& 3uvtmM 
71 

Prince Otto V. Bismarck receives his final and his 
one glorious decoration; and here we leave him, his 
fame secure among Germany's immortals. 

fiThe game is now all but played out. The last phase is 
to be the noblest expression. 

In his prime, Bismarck was of massive proportions in mind 
and body; but of his moral nature both friends and enemies 



256 Blood and Iron 

had often been in doubt for many years. Now, even that was 
revealed to be in concord with his herculean bulk. 
11 The old glory passed from him, like a dream. He com- 
mitted his soul to his God; and he heard again voices of 
Nature that had been inaudible to him, during his many 
years of intriguing diplomacy. 

These voices spoke to him of the vanity and emptiness of 
human life, of the worthless baubles for which men exchange 
all they have, that is to say, their immortal gift of time, 
which soon passes away and is no more. 

The musings of the Prince on the follies, inconsistencies and 
ambitions of life conspire to create a heroic figure like King 
Solomon. All is vanity! The conqueror of a continent has 
so declared. He had held the world in his hand, and had 
found that the sphere is hollow. 
So go the fates of men. 

If The great Prince Bismarck has now become as a beggar at 
the city's gates. 



If Over his grand spectacle of human pomp and power, con- 
trasted with his final self-abnegation, shining forth we see 
the heights and depths of human life; but in this case the 
end was greater than the beginning; the defeat than the 
victory; the downfall than the glory; and the disillusion than 
the dream. 

If Prince Bismarck in his long career as friend and confidant 
of the kings of this earth, had been honored with forty-eight 
orders of distinction. It is needless to mention them all, but 
they included the Iron Cross and the Order of Merit, the one 
entitling him to sit with kings, the other to command an 
army corps. 

1f But the greatest decoration of all was the one he now wore, 
his high tide of glory gone. 

It is the Decoration of the Order of the Disillusioned, be- 
stowed upon himself by his own soul. 

Soon or late, prince or pauper, and you and I, wear this Order 
as at last we sit and wonder at the years gone by. 
% Let us silently pass on, leaving Bismarck here, in the one 



Once a Man and Twice a Child 257 

solemn moment of his life; when he attains to real grandeur, 
stamps himself as greater than when he sat before kings. 
For now he possesses his own soul, in peace. 
And in this last picture, the end is greater than the begin- 
ning; the defeat than the victory; the downfall than the 
glory; and the disillusion than the dream. 
fl His final consolation was the Book of Job; and he read 
therein these strange and solemn words: 
fl What is my strength, that I should hope ? and what is mine 
end, that I should prolong my life ? 

Is my strength the strength of stones, or is my flesh of brass ? 
U So am I made to possess months of vanity, and wearisome 
nights are appointed to me. 

When I lie down, I say, when shall I arise, and the night be 
gone ? and I am full of tossings to and fro, unto the dawning 
of the day. 

My days are swifter than a weaver's shuttle, and are spent 
without hope. 

U Yea, man is born unto trouble, as the sparks fly upward. 
I would seek unto God and unto God would I commit my 
cause; 

Which doeth great things and unsearchable; marvelous things 
without number; 

Who giveth rain upon the earth, and sendeth waters upon 
the fields; 

To set up on high those that be low; that those which mourn 
may be exalted to safety. 

He disappointeth the devices of the crafty, so that their 
hands cannot perform their enterprise. 

U Behold happy is the man whom God correcteth ; therefore 
despise not thou the chastening of the Almighty; 
For he maketh sore and bindeth up; he woundeth and his 
hands make whole. 

He shall deliver thee in six troubles; yea, in seven there shall 
be no evil touch thee. 

In famine, he shall redeem thee from death; and in war from 
the power of the sword . . . neither shalt thou be afraid 
of destruction when it cometh. 



258 Blood and Iron 

72 
"As One Asleep" 

U On July 30, 1898, just before midnight, Otto Edward Leo- 
pold von Bismarck, Prince of Lauenberg and former Imperial 
Chancellor of the German Empire, died peacefully in the old 
homestead of his ancestors. 

The immediate cause of death was congestion of the lungs. 
fl "Ich danke, Dir, mein Kind," were his last words, addressed 
to his daughter, who had stooped to wipe the moisture from 
his pale brow. 

fl As late as the day he died, he had read the newspapers and 
talked politics. 

His final remarks were on the relations of Germany and 
Russia, at all times a subject of deep concern to him. 
U Dr. Schweninger had promised to bring him to 90 — and was 
seven years short. 

But the Bismarck of retirement was not unhappy in the tak- 
ing off; he had grown tired of it all; and it is pleasant to 
record that his last hours were without pain. 
^ A few days before, he had had his champagne, and had 
smoked five pipes in succession; also the day before he died, 
he had asked an attendant to "color" two new meerschaums, 
gifts of friends. Toward the last, he had used an invalid's 
chair for breakfast, but otherwise he seemed as well as could 
be expected. 

I S 1 

fl The windows looking upon the garden were opened, early 

next morning, and the servants of the household gathered 

there to look at the master, at rest. 

He was seemingly asleep in his four-poster bed, his head 

slightly inclined to the left; his expression was that of one 

gently dreaming; his arms were resting over the coverlet, 

and in his left hand he held one white and three red roses, a 

last love-token from an Austrian lady. 

ft The expression of his features was, at the end, proud and 

noble; but the face was as grey as ashes; for the fire of life 

was out at last! 



Once a Man and Twice a Child 259 

If Later, came two Cuirassiers, in white, with drawn swords; 
and these massive figures stood there by the bedside, and by 
and by kept solemn guard beside the coffin; also, near by 
were two Foresters, in green. 

^1 Books, papers, telegrams and a laurel wreath were in the 
death chamber, where the master had worked to the end. 
Not far away was his favorite chess-board, also, within touch 
the Emperor's last present, a fac-simile of Frederick the 
Great's great crook-headed gold cane; a step the other way 
the globe of the earth that Bismarck used to roll over with 
his big hand, when he studied his endless foreign political 
combinations. 

If Later, came the magnificent funeral with the high military, 
and all the rest; but we think we shall take leave of him in 
his old room with these simple objects around him, his tools 
of work, his big oak desk, his mounds of state papers, his 
writings, his quill pens, his box of blue sand, his pipes, steins 
and champagne glasses, his letters, his telegrams, his great 
heaps of books, his immense correspondence on the affairs of 
nations, his diplomas from universities, his degrees of law, 
philosophy and letters, and finally, his big Ulmar dogs. 
fl Here we leave him as one asleep, reminded of his final 
words, uttered when the master was breaking fast with the 
infirmities of his eighty-three years: 

fl "There is only one happy day left for me. It is the one 
on which I shall not wake again." 

H 1 11 
y. His son refused the request that a death-mask be made of 
the noble old face, but Lenbach's famous painting will recall 
the stern head for years to come. 

If Bismarck's coffin was of polished dark oak, with eight silver 
handles in the shape of lion's paws; candles burned around 
his coffin, the pale lights softened by veils of black and silver 
gauze that ornamented the silver candelabra. The floor was 
literally covered with wreaths, many bearing cards of sym- 
pathy in gold letters, from various eminent personages 
throughout the world. 
If The Kaiser heard the funeral services. 



260 Blood and Iron 

If Bismarck's mausoleum rests on a spot Bismarck selected 
for himself; a plain Romanesque House of Death against a 
background of trees; and to the right still may be seen his 
favorite bench where he used to sit, under the shade of 
spreading oaks. 

The sarcophagus of yellow marble bears this inscription, se- 
lected by Bismarck himself: 

Here Lies 

PEINCE BISMARCK 

A Faithful German Servant 

of Emperor William I. 

$ Hostile critics of Germany, brought forth by the great war 
of 1914, profess to believe that this inscription on Bismarck's 
tomb shows that Bismarck did not wish his work to be asso- 
ciated with the future of the Empire, but with its past. 
Instead, it really proclaims the man's great mind, his clair- 
voyant historical vision. He could have said many things 
about himself, touching the great part he played in sustaining 
the pomp and majesty of kings; but his simple acknowledg- 
ment of the role of faithful servant, is more eloquent than 
sermons in brass. 

fl Finally, a small altar to the right of the porch carries this 
text from Colossians iii:23, the motto given to Bismarck 
many, many years before by Rev. Schliermacher, the pastor 
who confirmed the boy Otto; and that motto became indeed 
Bismarck's guiding star through life, as now well you do 
know, balancing his record with the solemn Biblical injunction 
you read here beside the master's tomb: 

If "And whatsoever ye do, do it heartily, as to the Lord, and 
not unto men." 



THE END 






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